By Samuel Damren
This is the fourth commentary examining Niccolo Machiavelli’s analysis of challenges facing free governments, past and present, and his admonitions regarding the steps needed to preserve critical institutions.
The previous commentary discussed the “office of dictator” in ancient Rome.
The Roman Republic actually had such an office, but it was extremely limited in scope and duration; only put in place to respond to substantial and imminent threats when traditional political institutions were unable to do so.
When the threat was removed, the dictator stepped down and returned the Republic to its prior good order. At least that was the model, according to Machiavelli, until Julius Caesar abused the office by leading an army with allegiance to him to threaten violence in the heart of the Republic thereby ending free government in ancient Rome.
The previous commentary concluded noting Donald Trump’s statement in a Fox News town hall meeting in April that he wanted to be “dictator for a day” after his possible election as President this November.
He later “walked the comment back” in a Time Magazine interview saying the comment was a “joke.”
The subject of this commentary poses the follow-up question: If not as future dictator, what role does Trump occupy in current politics and is there any parallel to that role in political history?
Trump is certainly not a “role model” even to supporters. On the eve of the Iowa caucuses, a middle-age Iowa woman, interviewed by an AP reporter,laughingly said that while she supported Trump, “I wouldn’t vote for him as my pastor.”
There are likely a substantial number of responsible roles that other supporters would also not want Trump to fill in their personal lives.
Notwithstanding, supporters enthusiastically embrace his “no holds barred” and “anything goes” approach to political practice, including incitements to violence which they discount because it is not aimed at them.
Before Trump, a person with these flaws would have been automatically disqualified from any political role in America. Those same flaws, however, would not be in the slightest disqualifying in 16th century
Italy if the role in question was that of mercenary.
Mercenaries or “condottieri” occupied a prominent position in the political structure of the time. The five major city states (Florence, Milan, Naples, Rome and Venice) all hired mercenaries to initiate and defend periodic, but repeated, military advances against one another.
Machiavelli railed against their role in Italian politics believing they brought ruin to the legitimate interests of the populace at large and the city states in particular. His critique of their injurious effect was threefold.
First, by definition, mercenaries are “men without any territory.” As a result, they owe allegiance only to themselves and view the world from that vantage. Their leaders mistrust everyone. They conspire against supposed friends, allies, and employers; and, believe others continually conspire against them.
If it is to their advantage, mercenaries shift allegiance or undercut alliances formed by their employers without hesitation.
Second, mercenaries are only paid in times of war. As a result, they encourage and prolong division among employing city states and foreign interests in lieu of pursuing peace.
Their greatest source of funds is through plunder from the sacking the territories of adversaries. They can be bribed and also extort employers and the citizenry if that is to better advantage and less risky.
Third, by practicing only the “Art of War,” mercenaries have no knowledge or experience in governing except by bullying, threats, and violence.
Mercenaries are ruthless and cruel. They demand absolute loyalty from troops upon penalty of exile or a gruesome death. When unchecked, they rule as tyrants.
Donald Trump is the portrait of the modern-day political mercenary.
He reduced the Republican Party from a democratic institution to mercenary troops who either support him, are expelled, or confront “political death.” RNC funds have become his personal plunder.
As President and candidate, Trump extorts or connives with foreign powers to provide dirt on domestic opponents. He continually churns division in our body politic to prevent the possibility of peaceful resolution.
As all mercenaries do, Trump schemes. He overlays conspiracy upon conspiracy in a form of destructive paranoia that leads him to proclaim delusion as fact.
Five hundred years ago, Machiavelli reviewed the aftermath of a political world of free government broken by the princes and mercenaries of Italy.
It is that same world Donald Trump now offers to America.
––––––––
Samuel Damren is an attorney and author in Ann Arbor.
The previous commentary discussed the “office of dictator” in ancient Rome.
The Roman Republic actually had such an office, but it was extremely limited in scope and duration; only put in place to respond to substantial and imminent threats when traditional political institutions were unable to do so.
When the threat was removed, the dictator stepped down and returned the Republic to its prior good order. At least that was the model, according to Machiavelli, until Julius Caesar abused the office by leading an army with allegiance to him to threaten violence in the heart of the Republic thereby ending free government in ancient Rome.
The previous commentary concluded noting Donald Trump’s statement in a Fox News town hall meeting in April that he wanted to be “dictator for a day” after his possible election as President this November.
He later “walked the comment back” in a Time Magazine interview saying the comment was a “joke.”
The subject of this commentary poses the follow-up question: If not as future dictator, what role does Trump occupy in current politics and is there any parallel to that role in political history?
Trump is certainly not a “role model” even to supporters. On the eve of the Iowa caucuses, a middle-age Iowa woman, interviewed by an AP reporter,laughingly said that while she supported Trump, “I wouldn’t vote for him as my pastor.”
There are likely a substantial number of responsible roles that other supporters would also not want Trump to fill in their personal lives.
Notwithstanding, supporters enthusiastically embrace his “no holds barred” and “anything goes” approach to political practice, including incitements to violence which they discount because it is not aimed at them.
Before Trump, a person with these flaws would have been automatically disqualified from any political role in America. Those same flaws, however, would not be in the slightest disqualifying in 16th century
Italy if the role in question was that of mercenary.
Mercenaries or “condottieri” occupied a prominent position in the political structure of the time. The five major city states (Florence, Milan, Naples, Rome and Venice) all hired mercenaries to initiate and defend periodic, but repeated, military advances against one another.
Machiavelli railed against their role in Italian politics believing they brought ruin to the legitimate interests of the populace at large and the city states in particular. His critique of their injurious effect was threefold.
First, by definition, mercenaries are “men without any territory.” As a result, they owe allegiance only to themselves and view the world from that vantage. Their leaders mistrust everyone. They conspire against supposed friends, allies, and employers; and, believe others continually conspire against them.
If it is to their advantage, mercenaries shift allegiance or undercut alliances formed by their employers without hesitation.
Second, mercenaries are only paid in times of war. As a result, they encourage and prolong division among employing city states and foreign interests in lieu of pursuing peace.
Their greatest source of funds is through plunder from the sacking the territories of adversaries. They can be bribed and also extort employers and the citizenry if that is to better advantage and less risky.
Third, by practicing only the “Art of War,” mercenaries have no knowledge or experience in governing except by bullying, threats, and violence.
Mercenaries are ruthless and cruel. They demand absolute loyalty from troops upon penalty of exile or a gruesome death. When unchecked, they rule as tyrants.
Donald Trump is the portrait of the modern-day political mercenary.
He reduced the Republican Party from a democratic institution to mercenary troops who either support him, are expelled, or confront “political death.” RNC funds have become his personal plunder.
As President and candidate, Trump extorts or connives with foreign powers to provide dirt on domestic opponents. He continually churns division in our body politic to prevent the possibility of peaceful resolution.
As all mercenaries do, Trump schemes. He overlays conspiracy upon conspiracy in a form of destructive paranoia that leads him to proclaim delusion as fact.
Five hundred years ago, Machiavelli reviewed the aftermath of a political world of free government broken by the princes and mercenaries of Italy.
It is that same world Donald Trump now offers to America.
––––––––
Samuel Damren is an attorney and author in Ann Arbor.
