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In November, social media food influencer Johnny Novo posted his top 10 grocery store rotisserie chickens, after a year of sampling the offerings of 100 stores across the United States. With more than 20 million views on his posts alone, not to mention the 36,000 other videos on TikTok, rotisserie chickens are once again in the spotlight. Whether you snack on it right out of the package, use it as an ingredient in a larger dish or both, these well-prepared birds are tasty, affordable and perfect for family meals.
People have been cooking meat on a spit for more than 1,000 years; adding rotation to more evenly cook dates back to the 1300s. Boston Market, then Boston Chicken, introduced rotisserie chicken to the masses in the 1990s as an alternative to other fast-food options, and grocery stores soon added it to their rotation. Prices range anywhere from $5.99 to more than $20, but even at the highest price, you’re still getting a fair amount of fowl for your funds.

In case you’re wondering, Novo’s top pick for grocery store rotisserie chicken is Fairway in New York City. Somewhat surprisingly, Walmart also ranks in his top 10.

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Bird on the wire

Today, rotisserie chickens are a staple of many American family diets. Rather than hitting the drive-thru on the way home from a busy day at work and school, families can pick up an already deliciously cooked bird. Costco alone reported selling more than 137 million rotisserie chickens in 2023.

From package to platter takes only moments til you’re serving up something special, without breaking a sweat. It’s affordable and generally more nutritious than other options. Just be mindful of how much sodium is on the label. You get the flavorful taste of slow cooking without the hassle.

“I like to pick up rotisserie chicken from my local supermarket because it makes weeknight dinners easier,” shares Maike Corbett, founder of Cheerful Cook. “The chicken is already cooked and seasoned, so I can use it for tacos, soups or pasta recipes. It’s one of those shortcuts that makes busy days feel less overwhelming.”

“A rotisserie chicken is one of the most practical shortcuts in my kitchen,” adds Jessica Haggard with Primal Edge Health. “My biggest tip is to break it down while it’s still warm and save the bones for broth, because that one chicken can cover multiple meals with almost no extra effort.”

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Stretching the wing span

Reduce waste by using the whole bird. The average rotisserie chicken yields around four cups of shredded or diced meat. Even if your family consumes half the bird at the first sitting, there’s plenty of protein for future use. Toss the extra meat in with salads, tacos or burritos. Stir in some pasta or fried rice. Mix in some veggies and crust for a homemade chicken pot pie, or take things up a notch with chicken pot pie soup.

Karen Kelly, a health coach and recipe developer with Seasonal Cravings, buys a bird or two for fast and easy meal prep. “My family loves having a rotisserie chicken on hand for quick meals during the week. We use it for tacos, wraps, salads, grain bowls, fried rice or on a brioche bun with barbecue sauce. I take all the meat off at the beginning of the week, and it’s ready to go.”

Robin Donovan at All Ways Delicious agrees. “I love to buy a rotisserie chicken on Sunday and then use it for multiple meals for the week. I’ll often make a big batch of chicken enchiladas with it the first night, and leftovers can stand in for another dinner or for lunches. With the chicken that’s left, I’ll make fried rice or chow mein, chicken salad sandwiches, quesadillas, tacos, or Southwest chicken salad.”

But there’s even more you can do. Once you’ve stripped all the meat off the bones, take a cue from your grandmother’s kitchen and boil the chicken carcass down to create a healthy, hearty broth. The liquid is easily canned or frozen for future use. You can add the meat back in for a homemade chicken soup, or spice it up a bit with a chicken and sausage gumbo.

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Plucking your bird

Even as affordable as most grocery store rotisserie chickens are, you want to make sure you get the best value for your dollar. Don’t just grab the first bird you see. First, check for the timestamp. Stores are required to label when they place precooked food in the warmer, and you don’t want one that’s been sitting under heat lamps for hours. If you’re using the bird for food prep, grab the standard, rather than a fancy spiced chicken.

Make sure that the chicken you select is plump and golden. Even coloration is a good sign of even cooking. You want the skin to be smooth and crispy, not shriveled or saggy. Check the container for excess liquid. You want the moisture in the meat, not the lining. Some experts suggest you thump the bird to listen for a deep echo. A bird that feels heavy for its size is a good sign as well.

If you’re doing a full shopping trip, buy your bird at the end, right after you get your ice cream. You want the chicken to be as warm as possible when you leave the store. And if they’re cooking fresh fowl, be bold and ask for the bird you want while they’re boxing them up right out of the cooker.

Rotisserie chicken is best shredded while the chicken is warm or at least at room temperature. If you don’t have time to prep it right after arriving home, refrigerate it and then use the oven to warm it back up. Do not microwave.

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Round and round

Rotisserie chicken is having a moment, and it’s well deserved. An affordable piece of pre-cooked poultry that’s perfect for a family dinner as is, or for meal prep as an ingredient in other dishes. At a time when even the federal government gives protein a higher profile, rotisserie chicken can save your weeknight dinners.

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Bella Bucchiotti is a freelance writer with a passion for adventure, delicious recipes and authentic storytelling. Through xoxoBella and social media, she shares vibrant travel experiences, mouthwatering dishes and everyday moments that inspire connection.

Dickinson Wright is pleased to announce that Aleanna Siacon (associate, Troy) has been named co-president of the Michigan Asian Pacific American Bar Association (MAPABA). She is also a recipient of the inaugural MAPABA Rising Star Award. Both honors were announced at the MAPABA Lunar New Year Dinner on February 21.

Dickinson Wright PLLC

Dickinson Wright is pleased to announce that Aleanna Siacon (associate, Troy) has been named co-president of the Michigan Asian Pacific American Bar Association (MAPABA). She is also a recipient of the inaugural MAPABA Rising Star Award. Both honors were announced at the MAPABA Lunar New Year Dinner on February 21.

“I’m honored to be named co-president of MAPABA for the upcoming 2026-2027 year,” said Siacon. “I first became a member of MAPABA as a law student and previously served as treasurer and vice president. Over the years, I’ve seen firsthand how MAPABA bridges generations of attorneys, legal professionals, and law students across areas of interest, cultures, identities and different lived experiences. What makes the organization special is its commitment to the pillars of fellowship, mentorship and community. 

“I’m excited to lead MAPABA into this next chapter, while remaining firmly grounded in its foundational values of connection, mutual support and collective advancement – which remain the organization’s compass as we take our first steps into a new year of thoughtful innovation, sustainable growth, and increased visibility,” Siacon added.

As co-president of MAPABA, Siacon will spearhead the organization’s events and programming in the coming year to further advance relations between the legal profession and the public. MAPABA is an affiliate of the National Asian Pacific American Bar Association (NAPABA) and the primary local bar association connecting and advocating for the interests of Asian-Americans in the legal profession.

Siacon focuses her practice on commercial litigation and works on a variety of complex business disputes. She has a passion for civil litigation and all its intricacies and has experience defending and counseling companies, municipalities, and school districts in an array of legal matters from investigation to matter resolution. She is recognized as a leader in her field by Best Lawyers in America “Ones to Watch.” In 2025, Siacon was appointed to the State Bar of Michigan’s Diversity & Inclusion Advisory Committee, and, in 2026, she was named to Michigan Lawyers Weekly’s Up and Coming Lawyers. 

Siacon is a member of the State Bar of Michigan Young Lawyers Section Executive Council, a Fellow of the Oakland County Bar Foundation, and a member of Federal Bar Association – Eastern District of Michigan Chapter. 

Siacon received her B.A. from Wayne State University and her law degree from Wayne State University Law School.

In addition, Dickinson Wright is pleased to announce that three attorneys have been named to Crain Detroit Business 2026 Notable Women in Law. 

Dickinson Wright attorneys selected for this year’s Notable Women in Law include:

Jill Ingber, senior director of Attorney Recruitment and Professional Development, Troy

Monica Labe, member, Troy

Elizabeth Luckenbach, member and division director, Regulatory/Administration, Troy

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Plunkett Cooney

Plunkett Cooney partner Glenn C. Ross was recently named a Fellow of the American College of Mortgage Attorneys (ACMA).  The newly elected Fellows will be formally inducted into membership at ACMA’s Annual Meeting on Sept. 17-19 at the Ritz-Carlton, Bacara in Santa Barbara, California.

Ross, who serves as Plunkett Cooney’s Business Transactions & Planning Practice Group leader, has 15 years of experience representing clients in numerous aspects of general corporate law, business and commercial matters, and mergers and acquisitions, as well as in transactions related to complex financing. He provides counsel and advice regarding a variety of financing sources for real estate projects and business transactions, including the use of tax credits, conventional construction and permanent financing loans, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac loans, 221(d)(4) and 221(f) FHA loans, HOME funds, private activity bonds and other federal, state and local financing sources. 

A 2011 graduate of Wayne State University Law School, Ross is a member of the State Bar of Michigan. He received his undergraduate degree, with honors, from Michigan State University in 2005.

In addition, Plunkett Cooney  partner and Litigation Department leader Courtney L. Nichols was recently named by Crain’s Detroit Business as one of the news publication’s 2026 Notable Women in Law.

Since joining the firm in 2011, Nichols has built an active employment law practice. She serves as outside employment law counsel to numerous Michigan companies, and she defends employers in workplace-related litigation through their insurance providers.

A former co-leader of Plunkett Cooney’s Labor & Employment Law Practice Group, Nichols currently serves as the firm’s Litigation Department leader. She is also a member of the firm’s Strategic Planning, Retirement and Salary and Bonus committees, and she serves as general counsel for employment law issues on behalf of the firm.

Nichols is a member of Plunkett Cooney’s Bloomfield Hills office where she focuses her litigation practice in the area of employment law, including the defense of discrimination, retaliation and civil rights claims. She provides counsel to employers of all sizes regarding complicated employment and labor issues prior to litigation, including compliance with the ADA, FMLA and FLSA. Nichols also assists clients with drafting and enforcing employment policies and contractual agreements.

Nichols was recently selected as a Best Lawyer in America® for Employment Law – Management and Labor and Employment Litigation and as Rising Star by Michigan Super Lawyer magazine for Employment & Labor. In 2024, DBusiness Magazine named Nichols among its 30 in Their Thirties business leaders, and in 2023 Crain’s Detroit Business named her a Notable Leader in Employment & Labor Law. Nichols was also honored by Michigan Lawyers Weekly as a 2025 Influential Woman of Law and as a 2021 Go To Employment Lawyer and 2015 Up & Coming Lawyer.

Admitted to practice in the state and federal courts in Michigan, Nichols is a member of the State Bar of Michigan, and she serves as vice chair of the Labor & Employment Law Practice Group of ALFA International, a global consortium of law firms. 
Nichols received her law degree from Chicago-Kent College of Law in 2011 and her undergraduate degree from the James Madison College at Michigan State University in 2008.

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Foster, Swift, Collins, & Smith, PC­

Crain’s Detroit Business has named Foster Swift shareholder Dora A. Brantley to the 2026 Notable Women in Law list.

Practicing in the firm’s Southfield office, Brantley defends professional liability claims and claims brought against restaurants, hospitality companies, manufacturers, transportation carriers, landlords, small business owners and governmental entities. She is often retained by insurance carriers for coverage disputes involving auto negligence, fire losses, and construction and toxic torts.

Brantley is the only attorney selected by two Fortune 500 fast food corporations to defend claims and litigation in Michigan, including tort liability and alleged civil rights violations. She previously served on the boards of Ronald McDonald House Charities 
Detroit and LIFT Women’s Resource Center in Detroit, an organization established to assist women struggling with various social issues, including domestic violence and substance abuse.

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Miller Johnson

Miller Johnson is pleased to welcome Jacqueline Zablocki to the Education practice group.

Prior to joining Miller Johnson, Zablocki served as the Civil Rights/Title IX coordinator for an intermediate school district in southeast Michigan. In that role, she oversaw organizational compliance with Title IX, Title VI, Section 504, and the Title II of the ADA. She led investigations into allegations of discrimination and harassment, coordinated responses to state and federal agency complaints, and provided supportive and remedial measures to students and staff. She also delivered ongoing professional development to administrators, educators, and students on legal obligations related to civil rights, accessibility, and nondiscrimination, while serving as a consultant to local school districts on navigating complex compliance issues related to Title IX and other civil rights laws.

Zablocki graduated from Chicago-Kent College of Law and Albion College (B.A.).  She is licensed to practice in Michigan and Illinois.

Miller Johnson is also pleased to announce that Fadwa Hammoud has been appointed to a two-year term on the Board of Directors for Leaders Advancing & Helping Communities (LAHC).

“I’m truly honored to join a board doing such transformative work and helping ensure our communities have the resources, support, and opportunities they deserve,” Hammoud said.

Hammoud is the managing member of Miller Johnson’s Detroit office and part of the firm’s senior leadership team. She leads investigations, litigation, and crisis response across industries, representing clients ranging from Fortune 500 companies and government officials to closely held businesses and nonprofits. 

Before joining Miller Johnson, Hammoud served as Michigan’s solicitor general—the youngest and first Arab-American Muslim in the role—representing the state in critical appellate matters. In 2022, she made history as the first Arab-American Muslim woman to argue before the U.S. Supreme Court, winning Brown v. Davenport and influencing national precedent in criminal, civil rights, and constitutional law.

Hammoud serves on the Executive Committee of the Michigan Economic Development Corporation (MEDC), appointed by Governor Gretchen Whitmer to support Michigan’s long-term economic strategy and investment. She has also contributed to the Michigan Middle Eastern American Affairs Commission and advisory committees focused on historically underrepresented communities.

Hammoud earned her law degree from Wayne State University Law School and her Bachelor of Arts degree from the University of Michigan – Dearborn.

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Zausmer, P.C.

Zausmer is proud to announce that Executive Shareholder Cinnamon Plonka has been honored in Crain’s Detroit Notable Women in Law.

Plonka is a litigator who specializes in civil litigation, including no-fault and third-party automobile negligence, employment litigation, and insurance fraud. She practices at both the trial and appellate levels. She is an experienced trial attorney and often serves as the go-to counsel for insurance carriers due to her ability to maintain long-term, high-value client relationships.

In addition to her litigation success, Plonka serves as co-chair of the Law & Civil Rights Committee of Mayor Mary Sheffield’s transition team, Rise Higher Detroit. Her group will advise on legal matters affecting the city, analyze the effectiveness of the City’s Civil Rights, Inclusion, and Opportunity capacity, and advise on protecting residents’ civil rights and access to justice. Plonka also serves on the Board of Directors for Oakland THRIVE and Forgotten Harvest.

Plonka has served on the State Bar of Michigan’s Attorney Discipline Board, as past president of the Black Women Lawyers Association of Michigan, and as a trustee of Eastern Michigan University’s Foundation Board of Trustees. She also serves on Zausmer’s Executive Committee and Diversity Committee.

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Varnum LLP

Varnum partner Mallory Field has been recognized as Notable Women in Law by Crain’s Detroit. 

Field is a member of the Business and Corporate Practice Team advising emerging and middle market companies across industries on general corporate transactions, mergers and acquisitions (M&A), and capital fundraising. Field supports startups and entrepreneurs through venture financings from pre-seed to Series B, advising on SAFEs, convertible notes, equity plans, investor relations, and a wide range of brand, sponsorship, and licensing agreements. She practices from the Novi office.

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Bodman PLC

Bodman PLC is pleased to announce that Hebba Aref and Melissa A. Lewis have been selected as Notable Women in Law by Crain’s Detroit Business.

Aref is the co-chair of Bodman’s Banking and Finance Practice Group and is based in the firm’s Detroit office. She represents financial institutions in commercial lending transactions, including the structuring, negotiating and documenting of loan transactions, including syndicated loans, bilateral loans, subordinated loans, and participations. 

Aref has been recognized as a banking attorney in The Best Lawyers in America since 2023 and DBusiness Magazine “Top Lawyers” since 2024. She was also recognized in Michigan Lawyers Weekly’s Class of 2024 Influential Women in Law.

Lewis is a member of Bodman’s Banking and Finance Practice Group and a member of Bodman’s Syndications team. Based in the firm’s Detroit office, she represents national and regional financial institutions on commercial loan origination matters, including the structuring, negotiation and documentation of agented and syndicated loan transactions. 

Lewis is recognized in The Best Lawyers in America under Banking and Finance Law, in DBusiness Magazine “Top Lawyers” under Banking & Financial Service Law, and most recently, in IFLR1000 as a “Notable Practitioner” on the U.S. National list under Banking and Finance.

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Dykema

Dykema  is proud to announce that Sherrie Farrell and Rochelle Lento have been recognized by Crain’s Detroit Business as 2026 “Notable Women in Law.” 

Farrell serves as Dykema’s chief diversity and inclusion officer and advises corporations on complex commercial litigation and bankruptcy matters. She represents auto manufacturers, financial institutions, nonprofits, and government entities in high-stakes disputes across industries. Over the course of her career, Farrell has served as national coordinating and discovery counsel in large-scale litigation, counseled clients on cybersecurity and data breach response, and represented creditors and other stakeholders in significant restructuring matters.

Farrell became the firm’s first chief diversity and inclusion officer and served for many years as managing member of the firm’s Detroit office. Her commitment to inclusion builds on decades of leadership within bar associations and community organizations. She has also served on the boards of Gift of Life Michigan, the Minority Organ Tissue Transplant Education Program, Develop Detroit, and the Wolverine Bar Foundation.

Lento is a member in Dykema’s Real Estate Practice Group and is widely regarded as a leading authority on affordable housing and community development law. She structures and closes complex public and private financing transactions, guiding developers, investors, and lenders through regulatory and funding frameworks that include Low-Income Housing Tax Credits, historic tax credits, HUD financing tools, and other federal and state programs. Her recent projects include the Residences at St. Matthew, Higginbotham Arts Residences, and the Henry Street Redevelopment, each contributing to the expansion of affordable housing opportunities in Detroit.

Lento has played a role in the American Bar Association’s Forum on Affordable Housing and Community Development Law, serving in multiple leadership capacities and co-editing “The Legal Guide to Affordable Housing & Community Development Law,” now in its third edition. Within the firm, she was instrumental in launching Dykema’s Women’s Business Initiative, a program dedicated to advancing women’s professional growth. Lento also serves as an adjunct professor at the University of Detroit Mercy and is active with organizations including Alternatives for Girls and the Detroit Parks Coalition.

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Clark Hill PLC

Clark Hill’s Maria Dwyer and Anne-Marie Welch were both selected as Crain’s Detroit Business “Notable Women in Law” for 2026. 

Dwyer, a member in the Firm’s Detroit office, litigates employment and business cases and advises senior management in employment and business considerations. She also conducts workplace investigations, investigates and serves as a certified Hearing Officer in Title IX claims, and counsels educational organizations in Title IX issues. She is the member-in-charge of Clark Hill’s Detroit office and the co-leader of the Retail, Hospitality, Food & Beverage Team. 

Dwyer was previously recognized by Crain’s as a “Notable Leader in Labor & Employment Law (2023), among her other distinctions.

Welch, member and Labor & Employment attorney based in the firm’s Birmingham office, defends employers in lawsuits and administrative proceedings against wrongful discharge, discrimination, harassment, retaliation, and related statutory and tort claims. She also prosecutes and defends against breaches of non-competition, non-solicitation, and confidentiality agreements. 

Welch serves as the Labor & Employment leader of the firm’s Automotive and Manufacturing industry team and has earned multiple business and legal honors over the course of her career.

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Butzel Long

Butzel attorney and shareholder Javon R. David has been named to Crain’s Notable Women in Law. 

David is a member of Butzel’s Litigation and Dispute Resolution Practice Group,  one of the firm’s largest practice areas. She concentrates her practice in the areas of commercial litigation, media and entertainment law, and products liability. She has litigation experience, successfully handling matters from the onset of suit through trial. 

As part of her commercial litigation practice, David represents business entities in an array of legal issues, including contract disputes, shareholder oppression claims, non-competition and trade secret disputes, real estate, and automotive supplier disputes. 
In addition, David defends media clients in defamation actions and First Amendment cases. She serves as deputy general counsel for the Michigan Press Association (MPA), providing clients with prepublication review and newsgathering advice on sunshine and open-government issues. She advises on clearance projects and performs advertising reviews as well. 

She also defends clients in product liability actions and quality disputes, including toxic tort class actions and automotive liability disputes. She previously served on the Board of Governors of MEMA, The Vehicle Suppliers Association’s Emerging Leadership Council. 

David is a member of the Board of Directors for the Michigan Defense Trial Counsel Association (MDTC) after serving as its Trial Practice co-chairperson. 

David serves on the Business Court and Counsel Committee for the Oakland County Bar Association (OCBA). She also serves on the litigation, insurance, and advertising/commercial speech committees for the Media Law Resource Center (MLRC). David is a member of Leadership Oakland as well. 

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Taft

Taft partner Rick Kruger was a recent preliminary round judge at the Annual Shapero Cup, a regional competition in connection with the 34th Annual Duberstein Bankruptcy Moot Court Competition. 

Kruger is a member of Taft’s Bankruptcy and Restructuring and Real Estate Finance practice groups, as well as a member of the Automotive industry group. He has a national practice focusing on both transactional and litigation aspects of bankruptcy law, debtor and creditor rights, workouts, corporate, and financing transactions. 

His client representations include original equipment manufacturers, borrowers, debtors, secured parties, landlords, purchasers, sellers, receivers, avoidance defendants, and unsecured creditors’ committees. 

In addition, Taft Detroit Partner Sara Kruse has been named a Notable Women in Law by Crain’s Detroit Business. 

Kruse is a corporate attorney who has dedicated her legal career to helping clients achieve their goals and position them for success. 

She has knowledge and experience guiding clients through the entire business evolution, from formation through exit. Kruse counsels clients on complex business transactions, mergers and acquisitions, restructurings, private debt and equity financings, venture capital, strategic partnerships, corporate governance, and other general corporate matters across diverse industries.

Taft Law is also pleased to announce that Mark Rubenfire, Detroit partner and co-chair of the Real Estate Practice Group, has been selected as a member of the 16th class of the Midwest Commercial Real Estate Hall of Fame by Mid1west Real Estate News Magazine. 

Rubenfire specializes in acquisitions, sales, financing, and leasing of all types of real estate, including industrial, commercial, multifamily, and residential. He has a range of transactional experience and has worked on behalf of borrowers with lenders of all types, including insurance companies, banks, and commercial mortgage-backed security (CMBS) lenders.

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Honigman LLP

Chair of Honigman’s Corporate Department and Member of the firm’s Executive Committee, Kim Dudek was recently honored by Crain’s Detroit Business among this year’s Notable Women in Law. 

Dudek advises clients on corporate and financing transactions, counseling private equity sponsors and private borrowers on acquisition financings, working capital facilities, senior and subordinated financing transactions and recapitalizations.

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Wayne County 23rd District Court

Michigan Governor Gretchen Whitmer recently announced the appointment of Brittany Johnson to the Wayne County 23rd District Court for the City of Taylor. 

Johnson is an assistant prosecuting attorney at the Wayne County Prosecutor’s Office, where she has served since 2019. Johnson previously served as a law clerk at the City of Dearborn and as a legislative extern for the American Civil Liberties Union of Michigan. Johnson serves as a board member at the Government Bar Association. 

Johnson earned a Bachelor of Science in psychology and criminal justice from Grand Valley State University, a Master of Social Work from Michigan State University, and a law degree from the Michigan State University College of Law. 

“I am deeply honored by Governor Whitmer’s appointment to serve on the 23rd District Court. I am thankful for everyone who has supported me throughout my career,” said Johnson. “I am excited to serve the people of Taylor with the fairness and respect they deserve.” 

This appointment will be made to fill a partial term following the resignation of Judge Joseph Slaven. Johnson’s term will expire at twelve o’clock noon on January 1, 2027.

It was great to see legislators refuse to pass any new business subsidies in 2025. But the state is still going to pay $533.1 million more to select companies this year based on deals made two decades ago. That’s not right, and that’s not how policy is supposed to work.

It was great to see legislators refuse to pass any new business subsidies in 2025. But the state is still going to pay $533.1 million more to select companies this year based on deals made two decades ago. That’s not right, and that’s not how policy is supposed to work.

Michigan operated a selective business tax credit program via the Michigan Economic Growth Authority and made deals with companies from 1995 to 2011. Deals lasted for up to twenty years, and companies received refundable tax credits based on the number of people employed in facilities covered by the agreement. With refundable credits, companies can get cash payments from the state when they receive credits worth more than what they owe in taxes.

Indeed, the seven companies still getting MEGA credits receive large cash payments from the state. This year they are expected to collect $533.1 million more than they owe in taxes. With just two years’ worth of these credits instead being spent on more public purposes, lawmakers could more than catch up on the underfunding of the state police retirement system. These gigantic fiscal outlays are spending that goes without discussion or approval in the state budget.

That’s not how things are supposed to work. When legislators approve a budget each year, they ought to be free to determine what their priorities are rather than bound by the priorities of legislators long since out of office. 
Legislators are also not supposed to be bound by the decisions made by previous lawmakers. They are free to change whatever legislation they like.

Yes, the state should be able to make contracts and should honor its contractual obligations. Yes, legislators authorized administrators to business subsidy deals that can last twenty years. But this is a massive fiscal priority that skirts basic constitutional rules. And it’s not the only breach in basic government principles.

Lawmakers are also not supposed to make payments outside of the budget process. The state Constitution says that “no money shall be paid out of the state treasury except in pursuance of appropriations made by law.”

There is a brief section in budget bills that waives this requirement. It says that the budget authorizes money to pay refundable tax credits. The bills do not say how much is authorized or to whom, and this allows the $533.1 million to be paid to the seven companies with MEGA credits. This doesn’t sound like the way budgets are supposed to work.

It’s also not how tax policy is supposed to work. Taxes are supposed to raise revenue to operate the state government, but because of these selective refundable credits, Michigan operates a “tax” that gives some taxpayers other people’s money. The companies that receive MEGA credits are the only ones that file for the Michigan Business Tax. This year, the Michigan Business Tax is expected to pay its taxpayers $533.1 million more than they owe in taxes.

Nor are the goals of the deals something that policy ought to encourage. Lawmakers pay select businesses hundreds of millions in job retention deals. But lawmakers should not favor some companies at taxpayer expense. “The state can have no favorites, its business is to protect the industry of all, and to give all the benefit of equal laws,” as Michigan Supreme Court Justice Thomas Cooley put it.

On top of all these breaches in basic government principles, people cannot be told what each company collects from taxpayers. The state considers that confidential taxpayer information, even when the taxpayers in question collect hundreds of millions from the state. It continues to take this stand even when the state Constitution requires that all financial records and reports of public money shall be public records and open to inspection.

So laundering money through the tax system triggers an aura of privacy that prevents basic disclosures of where taxpayer money goes. Thankfully, a bill has been introduced to ensure that this information will be public.

Lawmakers inverted tax policy, skirted basic budgeting rules, refused to disclose their payments and ignored good government principles. It’s bad policy. And it continues to cost taxpayers.

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James M. Hohman is the director of fiscal policy at the Mackinac Center for Public Policy.

he death of a major cartel boss in Mexico has unleashed a violent backlash in which members of the criminal group have paralyzed some cities through blockades and attacks on property and security forces.

(THE CONVERSATION) — The death of a major cartel boss in Mexico has unleashed a violent backlash in which members of the criminal group have paralyzed some cities through blockades and attacks on property and security forces.

At least 73 people have died as a result of the operation to capture Nemesio Oseguera Cervantes, or “El Mencho.” The head of the Jalisco New Generation Cartel was seriously wounded during a firefight with authorities on Feb. 22, 2026. He later died in custody.

As an expert in criminal groups and drug trafficking in Latin America who has been studying Mexico’s cartels for two decades, I see the violent aftermath of the operation as part of a pattern in which Mexican governments have opted for high-profile hits that often lead only to more violence without addressing the broader security problems that plague huge swaths of the country.

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Who was ‘El Mencho’?

Like many other figures involved in Mexico’s drug trafficking, Oseguera Cervantes started at the bottom and made his way up the ranks. He spent some time in prison in the U.S., where he may have forged alliances with criminal gangs before being deported back to Mexico in 1997. There, he connected with the Milenio Cartel, an organization that first allied, and then fought with, the powerful Sinaloa Cartel.

Most of the information available points to the Jalisco New Generation Cartel forming under El Mencho around 2010, following the killing of Ignacio “Nacho” Coronel Villarreal, a Sinaloa Cartel leader and main link with the Milenio Cartel.

Since 2015, Jalisco New Generation Cartel has been known for its blatant attacks against security forces in Mexico – such as gunning down a helicopter in that year. And it has expanded its presence both across Mexico and internationally.

In Mexico, it is said to have a presence in all states. In some, the cartel has a direct presence and very strong local networks. In others, it has cultivated alliances with other trafficking organizations.

Besides drug trafficking, the Jalisco New Generation Cartel is also engaged in oil theft, people smuggling and extortion. As a result, it has become one of the most powerful cartels in Mexico.

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What impact will his death have on the cartel?

There are a few potential scenarios, and a lot will depend on what succession plans Jalisco New Generation had in the event of Oseguera Cervantes’ capture or killing.

In general, these types of operations – in which security forces take out a cartel leader – lead to more violence, for a variety of reasons.

Mexicans have already experienced the immediate aftermath of Oseguera Cervantes’ death: retaliation attacks, blockades and official attempts to prevent civilians from going out. This is similar to what occurred after the capture of drug lord Ovidio Guzmán López in Sinaloa in 2019 and his second capture in 2023.

Violence flares in two ways following such high-profile captures and killings of cartel leaders.

In the short term, there is retaliation. At the moment, members of the Jalisco New Generation Cartel are seeking revenge against Mexico’s security forces and are also trying to assert their regional authority despite El Mencho’s death.

These retaliatory campaigns tend to be violent and flashy. They include blockades as well as attacks against security forces and civilians.

Then there is the longer-term violence associated with any succession. This can take the form of those who are below Oseguera Cervantes in rank fighting for control. But it can also result from rival groups trying to take advantage of any leadership vacuum.

The level and duration of violence depend on a few factors, such as whether there was a succession plan and what kind of alliances are in place with other cartels. But generally, operations in which a cartel boss is removed lead to more violence and fragmentation of criminal groups.

Of course, people like Oseguera Cervantes who have violated laws and engaged in violence need to be captured. But in the long run, that doesn’t do anything to dismantle networks of criminality or reduce the size of their operations.

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What is the current state of security in Mexico?

The upsurge in violence after Oseguera Cervantes’ killing occurs as some indicators in Mexico’s security situation seemed to be improving.

For example, homicide rates declined in 2025 – which is an important indicator of security.

But other measures are appalling. Disappearances are still unsettlingly high. The reality that many Mexicans experience on the ground is one where criminal organizations remain powerful and embedded in the local ecosystems that connect state agents, politicians and criminals in complex networks.

Criminal organizations are engaged in what we academics call “criminal governance.” They engage in a wide range of activities and regulate life in communities – sometimes coercively, but sometimes also with some degree of legitimacy from the population.

In some states like Sinaloa, despite the operations to take out cartel’s leaders, the illicit economies are still extensive and profitable. But what’s more important is that levels of violence remain high and the population is still suffering deeply.

The day-to-day reality for people in some of these regions is still one of fear.

And in the greater scheme of things, criminal networks are still very powerful – they are embedded in the country’s economy and politics, and connect to communities in complex ways.

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How does the El Mencho operation fit Mexico’s strategy on cartels?

The past two governments vowed to reduce the militarization of security forces. But the power of the military in Mexico has actually expanded.

The government of President Claudia Sheinbaum wanted a big, visible hit at a time when the U.S. is pushing for more militarized policies to counter Mexico’s trafficking organizations.

But this dynamic is not new. Most U.S. and Mexican policy regarding drug trafficking organizations has historically emphasized these high-profile captures – even if it is just for short-term gains.

It’s easier to say “we captured a drug lord” than address broader issues of corruption or impunity. Most of the time when these cartel leaders are captured or killed, there is generally no broader justice. It isn’t accompanied with authorities investigating disappearances, murders, corruption or even necessarily halting the flow of drugs.

Captures and killings of cartel leaders serve a strategic purpose of showing that something is being done, but the effectiveness of such policies in the long run is very limited.

Of course, taking out a drug lord is not a bad thing. But if it does not come with a broader dismantling of criminal networks and an accompanying focus on justice, then the main crimes that these groups commit – homicides, disappearances and extortion – will continue to affect the daily life of people. And the effect on illicit flows is, at best, meager.

Public debate about artificial intelligence in higher education has largely orbited a familiar worry: cheating. Will students use chatbots to write essays? Can instructors tell? Should universities ban the tech? Embrace it?

(THE CONVERSATION) — Public debate about artificial intelligence in higher education has largely orbited a familiar worry: cheating. Will students use chatbots to write essays? Can instructors tell? Should universities ban the tech? Embrace it?

These concerns are understandable. But focusing so much on cheating misses the larger transformation already underway, one that extends far beyond student misconduct and even the classroom.

Universities are adopting AI across many areas of institutional life. Some uses are largely invisible, like systems that help allocate resources, flag “at-risk” students, optimize course scheduling or automate routine administrative decisions. Other uses are more noticeable. Students use AI tools to summarize and study, instructors use them to build assignments and syllabuses and researchers use them to write code, scan literature and compress hours of tedious work into minutes.

People may use AI to cheat or skip out on work assignments. But the many uses of AI in higher education, and the changes they portend, beg a much deeper question: As machines become more capable of doing the labor of research and learning, what happens to higher education? What purpose does the university serve?

Over the past eight years, we’ve been studying the moral implications of pervasive engagement with AI as part of a joint research project between the Applied Ethics Center at UMass Boston and the Institute for Ethics and Emerging Technologies. In a recent white paper, we argue that as AI systems become more autonomous, the ethical stakes of AI use in higher ed rise, as do its potential consequences.

As these technologies become better at producing knowledge work – designing classes, writing papers, suggesting experiments and summarizing difficult texts – they don’t just make universities more productive. They risk hollowing out the ecosystem of learning and mentorship upon which these institutions are built, and on which they depend.

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Nonautonomous AI

Consider three kinds of AI systems and their respective impacts on university life:

AI-powered software is already being used throughout higher education in admissions review, purchasing, academic advising and institutional risk assessment. These are considered “nonautonomous” systems because they automate tasks, but a person is “in the loop” and using these systems as tools.

These technologies can pose a risk to students’ privacy and data security. They also can be biased. And they often lack sufficient transparency to determine the sources of these problems. Who has access to student data? How are “risk scores” generated? How do we prevent systems from reproducing inequities or treating certain students as problems to be managed?

These questions are serious, but they are not conceptually new, at least within the field of computer science. Universities typically have compliance offices, institutional review boards and governance mechanisms that are designed to help address or mitigate these risks, even if they sometimes fall short of these objectives.

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Hybrid AI

Hybrid systems encompass a range of tools, including AI-assisted tutoring chatbots, personalized feedback tools and automated writing support. They often rely on generative AI technologies, especially large language models. While human users set the overall goals, the intermediate steps the system takes to meet them are often not specified.

Hybrid systems are increasingly shaping day-to-day academic work. Students use them as writing companions, tutors, brainstorming partners and on-demand explainers. Faculty use them to generate rubrics, draft lectures and design syllabuses. Researchers use them to summarize papers, comment on drafts, design experiments and generate code.

This is where the “cheating” conversation belongs. With students and faculty alike increasingly leaning on technology for help, it is reasonable to wonder what kinds of learning might get lost along the way. But hybrid systems also raise more complex ethical questions.

One has to do with transparency. AI chatbots offer natural-language interfaces that make it hard to tell when you’re interacting with a human and when you’re interacting with an automated agent. That can be alienating and distracting for those who interact with them. A student reviewing material for a test should be able to tell if they are talking with their teaching assistant or with a robot. A student reading feedback on a term paper needs to know whether it was written by their instructor. Anything less than complete transparency in such cases will be alienating to everyone involved and will shift the focus of academic interactions from learning to the means or the technology of learning. University of Pittsburgh researchers have shown that these dynamics bring forth feelings of uncertainty, anxiety and distrust for students. These are problematic outcomes.

A second ethical question relates to accountability and intellectual credit. If an instructor uses AI to draft an assignment and a student uses AI to draft a response, who is doing the evaluating, and what exactly is being evaluated? If feedback is partly machine-generated, who is responsible when it misleads, discourages or embeds hidden assumptions? And when 

AI contributes substantially to research synthesis or writing, ­universities will need clearer norms around authorship and responsibility – not only for students, but also for faculty.

Finally, there is the critical question of cognitive offloading. AI can reduce drudgery, and that’s not inherently bad. But it can also shift users away from the parts of learning that build competence, such as generating ideas, struggling through confusion, revising a clumsy draft and learning to spot one’s own mistakes.

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Autonomous agents

The most consequential changes may come with systems that look less like assistants and more like agents. While truly autonomous technologies remain aspirational, the dream of a researcher “in a box” – an agentic AI system that can perform studies on its own – is becoming increasingly realistic.

Agentic tools are anticipated to “free up time” for work that focuses on more human capacities like empathy and problem-solving. In teaching, this may mean that faculty may still teach in the headline sense, but more of the day-to-day labor of instruction can be handed off to systems optimized for efficiency and scale. Similarly, in research, the trajectory points toward systems that can increasingly automate the research cycle. In some domains, that already looks like robotic laboratories that run continuously, automate large portions of experimentation and even select new tests based on prior results.

At first glance, this may sound like a welcome boost to productivity. But universities are not information factories; they are systems of practice. They rely on a pipeline of graduate students and early-career academics who learn to teach and research by participating in that same work. If autonomous agents absorb more of the “routine” responsibilities that historically served as on-ramps into academic life, the university may keep producing courses and publications while quietly thinning the opportunity structures that sustain expertise over time.

The same dynamic applies to undergraduates, albeit in a different register. When AI systems can supply explanations, drafts, solutions and study plans on demand, the temptation is to offload the most challenging parts of learning. To the industry that is pushing AI into universities, it may seem as if this type of work is “inefficient” and that students will be better off letting a machine handle it. But it is the very nature of that struggle that builds durable understanding. Cognitive psychology has shown that students grow intellectually through doing the work of drafting, revising, failing, trying again, grappling with confusion and revising weak arguments. This is the work of learning how to learn.

Taken together, these developments suggest that the greatest risk posed by automation in higher education is not simply the replacement of particular tasks by machines, but the erosion of the broader ecosystem of practice that has long sustained teaching, research and learning.

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An uncomfortable inflection point

So what purpose do universities serve in a world in which knowledge work is increasingly automated?

One possible answer treats the university primarily as an engine for producing credentials and knowledge. There, the core question is output: Are students graduating with degrees? Are papers and discoveries being generated? If autonomous systems can deliver those outputs more efficiently, then the institution has every reason to adopt them.

But another answer treats the university as something more than an output machine, acknowledging that the value of higher education lies partly in the ecosystem itself. This model assigns intrinsic value to the pipeline of opportunities through which novices become experts, the mentorship structures through which judgment and responsibility are cultivated, and the educational design that encourages productive struggle rather than optimizing it away. Here, what matters is not only whether knowledge and degrees are produced, but how they are produced and what kinds of people, capacities and communities are formed in the process. In this version, the university is meant to serve as no less than an ecosystem that reliably forms human expertise and judgment.

In a world where knowledge work itself is increasingly automated, we think universities must ask what higher education owes its students, its early-career scholars and the society it serves. The answers will determine not only how AI is adopted, but also what the modern university becomes.

President Donald Trump in his State of the Union address on Feb. 24, 2026, doubled down on his false claims that the U.S. elections system is compromised. He asserted that “the cheating is rampant in our elections. It’s rampant.”

By Shelley Inglis
Rutgers University

(THE CONVERSATION) — President Donald Trump in his State of the Union address on Feb. 24, 2026, doubled down on his false claims that the U.S. elections system is compromised. He asserted that “the cheating is rampant in our elections. It’s rampant.”

These pronouncements follow the January 2026 FBI seizure of 2020 ballots from Fulton County, Georgia, and the president’s recent call for the Republican Party to nationalize elections. The Trump administration is also suing 24 states and Washington, D.C., for voter lists to monitor voter registrations.

In his speech, Trump asked Republicans to pass the SAVE America Act. Approved by the House on Feb. 11, 2026, the measure would require that voters provide documentary proof of U.S. citizenship, effectively ending all online voter registration. “They want to cheat. They have cheated,” he said of Democrats.

These calls spread distrust in the U.S. electoral process, despite extensive evidence showing that voter fraud is rare, especially by noncitizens.

All this has led to speculation about how much further the Trump administration and Republican Party might go to tilt the 2026 midterm and 2028 presidential elections in their favor.

After decades of working internationally on democracy and peace-building, I know that efforts to undermine elections are not uncommon. Citizens of many affected countries have learned various techniques to help protect the integrity of their elections and democracy that may be helpful to Americans today.

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International electoral assistance

Leaders, even in established democracies such as India, have used increasingly sophisticated and wide-ranging means to manipulate elections in their favor. Those means vary from legal changes that suppress votes to harassment and prosecution of the opposition, to promoting widespread disinformation campaigns.

These methods have evolved despite international efforts to counter rigged elections and improve election integrity. These countering efforts are called electoral assistance, and they support societies to develop electoral systems that reflect the will of the people and adhere to democratic principles.

Electoral assistance has been shown to strengthen transparency and election administration in countries such as Armenia and Mexico. It has also improved voter registration and education in countries such as Ghana and Colombia.

It’s mostly provided by international nonprofits, such as the National Democratic Institute and The Carter Center in the U.S. Multilateral organizations such as the United Nations also provide electoral assistance.

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Five international responses to electoral manipulation

Here are five areas of electoral assistance that have shown some success internationally.

Early warning and community resilience: Early warning efforts track threats of violence and intimidation against election officials, candidates and voters. They seek to mitigate risks and prepare for crises. This happens from the early stages of an election through election day in countries such as Sri Lanka and Liberia.

Law enforcement, civic groups and election officials usually undertake these efforts together. But where such direct cooperation with government authorities is not feasible, civic groups can help by undertaking risk assessments and tracking coercion and threats. They can also raise alarms with officials and the media.

Indicators, or established metrics, can track sophisticated coercion tactics such as the misuse of government funds for campaign purposes. They also can track vote buying, like civic groups in North Macedonia did during 2024 
parliamentary and 2025 local elections.

For these efforts to be successful, it’s critical that networks of trusted leaders urge early action to put in place greater safeguards long before election day. Raising alarms and urging action was done successfully by religious leaders in Kenya during general elections in 2022.

Real-time disinformation and local media reaction: Real-time fact-checking and debunking of false or manipulative information has proven critical to election integrity in countries such as Mexico and South Africa.

A highly organized and fast-moving approach involving media, technology companies and authorities successfully countered disinformation to ensure a competitive democratic election in Brazil in 2022. A coalition of Brazilian media outlets, for example, fact-checked political claims and viral rumors during the election period, using innovative tools such as online apps.

Robust local media play a particularly important role. In the 2024 presidential election of Maia Sandu in Moldova, a new investigative newspaper uncovered a Russia-backed network that paid people to attend anti-Sandu rallies and to vote against the president. That outlet had received training by an expert nonprofit group. It also received free legal advice and human resource management that were critical to its effectiveness.

Neutrality, transparency and systems reform: Amid efforts to sow doubt in elections, increasing transparency and ethical standards can help build awareness and deepen trust.

Various tools, such as codes of conduct that detail ethical standards, can be formulated for candidates, media and businesses. This has been done in Nigeria and the Philippines.

International groups, including the International Foundation for Electoral Systems, published model commitments for advancing genuine and credible elections in 2024, which have been used for preelection assessments in Bangladesh.

Additionally, major technology companies such as Google and Meta in 2024 helped draft the international Voluntary Election Guidelines for Technology Companies. Meta also helped target false content and deepfakes during Australia’s 2025 election.

The neutrality of election officials is critical to tackle distrust. In New Zealand, high levels of public trust in elections align with robust neutrality rules for public officials. The key is to develop public awareness of such commitments and how they can be useful to hold election officials, media and businesses accountable.

More profoundly, the design of the electoral system can also be linked to levels of public trust and polarization. New Zealand, South Africa and Northern Ireland, for example, reformed from winner-take-all elections to proportional representation elections to address deep internal divisions and dissatisfaction with unrepresentative results.

Broad-based mobilization and civic campaigns: Significant voter turnout that delivers large winning margins make efforts to manipulate results more difficult.

In Zambia, for example, a landslide victory for the opposition candidate in the 2021 presidential elections was driven by high youth turnout and people switching parties in urban areas.

Mobilization efforts can span from public campaigns to digital tools and voter registration and education. These efforts can motivate key groups, such as youth, minority or overseas voters. Participation of diaspora groups in Poland’s 2023 parliamentary elections was a key factor in the opposition’s win.

Proactively building public awareness of election security measures, called prebunking campaigns, has demonstrated results in increasing trust in elections in Brazil and the U.S. Additionally, civic education has shown to have positive impact on voter choice of pro-democracy candidates over their preferred party.

Strategic coalitions and nonpartisan monitoring: Nonpartisan monitoring and observation of an electoral process is a key tool in the electoral assistance tool kit. Effective monitoring often involves coalitions of nonpartisan civic groups, which Senegal has used, and faith-based organizations, as in the Philippines, to ensure adequate coverage of polling stations and consistent application of standards.

Key tools, such as parallel vote tabulation, or “quick counts,” which provide independent and statistically accurate reports on the quality of voting and counting process, have helped verify official election results in Ukraine, Ghana and Paraguay.

International observation by entities such as the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe assesses whether elections meet global standards. Where it identifies serious flaws or fraud, such scrutiny can help justify mass protests or mobilization, such as in Serbia’s parliamentary and local elections in 2023, trigger new elections, such as in Bolivia’s general elections in 2019, or support international condemnation, such as in Georgia’s 2024 parliamentary elections. They also make recommendations on reforms, such as changes to elections laws and systems, to strengthen integrity and align with democratic principles.