Columns
Cooking with Love: Aash-e-Berinj (Rice Soup)
February 09 ,2026
When it comes to soups, I think Iranian Aash(es) are the best. They are
nutritious and hearty. Their alluring smell lingers in the air even on
the second day of cooking. I was introduced to this aash in Shiraz. This
ancient city of Iran is the resting place of the 13th and 14th century
revered Persian poets, Saddi and Hafez. Hospitality and friendliness of
Shirazis is renowned throughout Iran.
:
Majida Rashid
When it comes to soups, I think Iranian Aash(es) are the best. They are nutritious and hearty. Their alluring smell lingers in the air even on the second day of cooking. I was introduced to this aash in Shiraz. This ancient city of Iran is the resting place of the 13th and 14th century revered Persian poets, Saddi and Hafez. Hospitality and friendliness of Shirazis is renowned throughout Iran.
During my stay in Iran, I learned that each city in a region had their own specialties and version of cooking a particular dish. Shirazi cooks use more herbs than other regions.
Iranians soak their rice for up to six hours prior to cooking. Beans can be soaked overnight. But soaking them for a few hours would also work.
Kashk is dried yoghurt and it is sold in solid chunks in Iran. The Middle Eastern stores in America sell the creamy version of kashk. Its flavor is a little different from regular yoghurt. Flour prevents curdling of kashk.
Making this aash, at first glance, looks elaborate but after making it once it becomes easier. Herbs and spinach can be cleaned and chopped a day in advance. Meat and beans can also be cooked a day earlier. Some cooks mix very little kashk and then use the remaining to lavishly garnish the soup before serving. People also blend everything together before mixing in kashk. The soup can last for a few days and its flavor improves.
I learned this aash without meat but meat is also added, especially the outlets where they sell just the aash. Whole lamb shank is the best. Sauté an onion in a few tablespoons of oil over medium high heat. Add a pound of lamb, half a teaspoon of turmeric powder, salt and black pepper and stir over high heat so the meat doesn’t leave juices. Pour 6-8 cups water and bring to a boil. Simmer, uncovered, for a couple of hours or longer. Remove the bones and mix the meat in the aash when rice is added.
Aash-e-Berinj
(Rice Soup)
(Serves 3-4)
Ingredients
3/4 cup yellow split peas
3/4 cup black-eyed beans
3/4 cup chickpeas
3/4 cup whole green lentils
1 cup short grain rice
1-1 ½ teaspoons salt
3/4-1 teaspoon black pepper
1/2 cup each of finely chopped fresh chives, coriander, dill and flat-leaved parsley
2 bunches fresh spinach leaves, finely chopped
3 tablespoons all-purpose flour, optional
1-2 cups kashk
For the garnish:
3 tablespoons cooking oil
1 medium onion, finely chopped
2-3 garlic cloves, thinly sliced
1-2 tablespoons finely chopped fresh mint leaves
Or
1/2-1 teaspoon dried mint
Directions
Separately soak all the beans and lentils overnight.
Soak the rice for several hours.
The next day, boil together the peas and the beans in 10 cups water.
In another pan mix the lentils with 5 cups of water and cook for half an hour.
Drain and discard the liquid from both pans.
In a pan, mix together the lentils and beans with 12 cups water.
Cover and cook over low heat for 2 hours, stirring occasionally.
Add pepper and 1 teaspoon salt and cook for another half hour. Add boiling water, if required.
Mix in the herbs and spinach and cook for another half an hour, stirring occasionally.
Drain the rice and add to the soup and cook for an hour, stirring frequently.
Aash can be blended at this stage.
Heat the flour in a dry pan over low heat.
Cool it and mix it with 1/2 cup water. Add to the aash.
Gradually mix about 1 cup of soup with 1 cup of kashk and pour back to the aash.
Taste and adjust seasoning and pour the Aash into a serving bowls and leave aside.
For the garnish
Heat 2 tablespoons oil and fry the onion until golden brown, drain and leave aside.
Fry the garlic in the remaining oil until golden brown.
Mix in the mint, stir a little and pour over the soup in the serving bowls. Sprinkle with the browned onions and garlic.
Serve immediately with hot naan.
During my stay in Iran, I learned that each city in a region had their own specialties and version of cooking a particular dish. Shirazi cooks use more herbs than other regions.
Iranians soak their rice for up to six hours prior to cooking. Beans can be soaked overnight. But soaking them for a few hours would also work.
Kashk is dried yoghurt and it is sold in solid chunks in Iran. The Middle Eastern stores in America sell the creamy version of kashk. Its flavor is a little different from regular yoghurt. Flour prevents curdling of kashk.
Making this aash, at first glance, looks elaborate but after making it once it becomes easier. Herbs and spinach can be cleaned and chopped a day in advance. Meat and beans can also be cooked a day earlier. Some cooks mix very little kashk and then use the remaining to lavishly garnish the soup before serving. People also blend everything together before mixing in kashk. The soup can last for a few days and its flavor improves.
I learned this aash without meat but meat is also added, especially the outlets where they sell just the aash. Whole lamb shank is the best. Sauté an onion in a few tablespoons of oil over medium high heat. Add a pound of lamb, half a teaspoon of turmeric powder, salt and black pepper and stir over high heat so the meat doesn’t leave juices. Pour 6-8 cups water and bring to a boil. Simmer, uncovered, for a couple of hours or longer. Remove the bones and mix the meat in the aash when rice is added.
Aash-e-Berinj
(Rice Soup)
(Serves 3-4)
Ingredients
3/4 cup yellow split peas
3/4 cup black-eyed beans
3/4 cup chickpeas
3/4 cup whole green lentils
1 cup short grain rice
1-1 ½ teaspoons salt
3/4-1 teaspoon black pepper
1/2 cup each of finely chopped fresh chives, coriander, dill and flat-leaved parsley
2 bunches fresh spinach leaves, finely chopped
3 tablespoons all-purpose flour, optional
1-2 cups kashk
For the garnish:
3 tablespoons cooking oil
1 medium onion, finely chopped
2-3 garlic cloves, thinly sliced
1-2 tablespoons finely chopped fresh mint leaves
Or
1/2-1 teaspoon dried mint
Directions
Separately soak all the beans and lentils overnight.
Soak the rice for several hours.
The next day, boil together the peas and the beans in 10 cups water.
In another pan mix the lentils with 5 cups of water and cook for half an hour.
Drain and discard the liquid from both pans.
In a pan, mix together the lentils and beans with 12 cups water.
Cover and cook over low heat for 2 hours, stirring occasionally.
Add pepper and 1 teaspoon salt and cook for another half hour. Add boiling water, if required.
Mix in the herbs and spinach and cook for another half an hour, stirring occasionally.
Drain the rice and add to the soup and cook for an hour, stirring frequently.
Aash can be blended at this stage.
Heat the flour in a dry pan over low heat.
Cool it and mix it with 1/2 cup water. Add to the aash.
Gradually mix about 1 cup of soup with 1 cup of kashk and pour back to the aash.
Taste and adjust seasoning and pour the Aash into a serving bowls and leave aside.
For the garnish
Heat 2 tablespoons oil and fry the onion until golden brown, drain and leave aside.
Fry the garlic in the remaining oil until golden brown.
Mix in the mint, stir a little and pour over the soup in the serving bowls. Sprinkle with the browned onions and garlic.
Serve immediately with hot naan.
LEGAL PEOPLE
February 09 ,2026
Butzel continues to expand its Intellectual Property (IP) Practice
Department with the addition of attorney and shareholder Gregory L.
Ozga. He is a registered patent attorney with the United States Patent
and Trademark Office.
:
Butzel Long
Butzel continues to expand its Intellectual Property (IP) Practice Department with the addition of attorney and shareholder Gregory L. Ozga. He is a registered patent attorney with the United States Patent and Trademark Office.
For more than 20 years, Ozga has helped domestic and international clients, in a variety of industries, navigate numerous IP issues. His practice encompasses the full lifecycle inherent to IP, including brand development, global IP prosecution, mergers and acquisitions, licensing, joint development agreements, patent and trademark validity and infringement opinions, prosecution, and litigation.
Ozga is known for reducing IP risks and strengthening protection of stakeholders’ innovations and brands. He has prepared and prosecuted hundreds of patent and trademark applications across various industries.
His experience includes collaborating with businesses at all levels to identify and establish new products and brands for monetization. Ozga assesses client products and services to identify trade secrets, patents, trademarks, and copyrights and then works with the client to develop groups of IP that will meet their long-term goals. His specific areas of experience include a variety of sectors: automotive, robotics, medical, autonomous vehicles, artificial intelligence (AI), clothing/fashion brands, cannabis, and food industries.
Ozga’s experience in brand development and enforcement further include trademark and copyright law matters encompassing the evaluation and filing of trademark and copyright registrations, management of trademark portfolios, Trademark Trial and Appeal Board (TTAB) proceedings, investigation and response to infringement claims, and issuing online takedown notices, cease-and-desist letters, and filing trademark complaints with a variety of major online platforms.
Ozga litigates matters involving intellectual property infringement. He has represented appellants and appellees in matters pending before the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Michigan and the United States District
Court for the Sixth Circuit. He also has represented clients before the United States Patent Trial and Appeal Board.
He is a member of the State Bar of Michigan – IP Law Section, Michigan IP Law Association (MIPLA), and the American Bar Association.
Ozga earned a Bachelor’s degree in Chemistry from Albion College and a law degree from Michigan State University College of Law.
In addition, Butzel is pleased to announce that attorney and shareholder Blaine Veldhuis is one of 27 attorneys named to Michigan Lawyers Weekly’s “Go To Lawyers for Employment Law” 2025.
For more than a decade, Veldhuis has guided employers through complex workplace challenges and litigation. Veldhuis advises on employee relations, disciplinary matters, and compliance with federal and state employment laws.
He also helps businesses craft policies that minimize legal risks and foster a compliant workplace.
Veldhuis focuses on defending employers against wage and hour, discrimination, sexual harassment, failure to accommodate, and whistleblower claims, as well as handling commercial and general employment litigation. He provides counsel on employee relations, disciplinary actions, and discharge matters, while also assisting in drafting employment policies. Additionally, he has experience in defending complex Employee Retirement Income Security Act (ERISA) litigation, including single-plaintiff ERISA cases.
Veldhuis has experience representing defendants and respondents in response to administrative complaints and administrative and governmental investigations including U.S. Department of Labor and Michigan Wage and Hour Division audits, and investigations conducted by the Occupational Safety and Health Administration, Michigan Occupational Safety and Health Administration, Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, Michigan Department of Civil Rights, National Labor Relations Board, and the Michigan Department of Licensing and Regulatory Affairs.
Veldhuis earned his law degree from the University of Detroit Mercy School of Law and his B.A. in Criminology from Central Connecticut State University.
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Warner, Norcross, + Judd LLP
Warner Norcross + Judd LLP has welcomed several new attorneys to the firm’s Detroit office: Cade M. Bunton, Harsh D. Patel, John H. Schulte, and Alexis N. Tillery. They are gaining experience in a variety of legal matters before selecting a practice group.
Bunton received his law degree from the University of Illinois College of Law. He earned a bachelor’s degree in management from Western Michigan University. Prior to joining Warner, he served as a judicial intern for U.S. District Court Jonathan J.C. Grey, Eastern District of Michigan.
Patel received his law degree from Michigan State University College of Law. He earned a bachelor’s degree in biopsychology, cognition and neuroscience from the University of Michigan. Before joining Warner, he served as a law clerk at Credit Acceptance in Southfield and as a legal workflow specialist at a financial services company in Troy.
Schulte received his law degree from MSU College of Law. He earned a bachelor’s degree in chemistry from Baldwin Wallace University. Before joining Warner, he worked as a technology commercialization intern at MSU Innovation Center and as a scientific intern at the Gilbert Family Foundation. Schulte is a registered patent attorney.
Tillery received her law degree from the University of Detroit Mercy School of Law. She earned a master’s degree in social work from Wayne State University and a bachelor’s degree in psychology from Albion College. Before joining Warner, Tillery was a judicial intern at the Oakland County Circuit Court Family Division and a law clerk in the Office of Legal Counsel for the governor of Michigan. She was also a judicial extern for the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Michigan. Tillery also worked as a clinical therapist for Great Lakes Psychology Group in Southfield.
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McKeen & Associates PC
McKeen & Associates is pleased to announce the hiring of four new associates: John Carley, Angela Hammoud, Rachel Jump, and Ian Wendrow.
Following tenures as law clerks for the firm, Carley, Jump, and Wendrow passed the bar examination and transitioned to licensed attorneys. During their time as clerks, all three gained experience working on complex medical malpractice matters.
Hammoud, an attorney specializing in medical malpractice litigation, brings insight that strengthens the firm’s ability to handle high-stakes, complex cases. As an Arabic speaker, she enhances the firm’s capability to continue its service to a diverse range of clients.
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Office of Michigan Governor Gretchen Whitmer
Michigan Governor Gretchen Whitmer recently announced appointments to the following boards and commissions:
—Workers’ Compensation Board of Magistrates
Sean Shearer is a partner and attorney at Charters, Tyler, Zack, & Shearer PC. Shearer earned a Bachelor of Arts in philosophy and economics from the University of Michigan-Dearborn and a law degree from Detroit College of Law. Shearer is appointed for a term commencing February 2, 2026, and expiring January 26, 2029. He succeeds Lenny Segel, who has passed.
The Workers’ Compensation Board of Magistrates has been established as an autonomous entity within the Workers’ Disability Compensation Agency per Executive Order No. 2019-13. Only workers’ compensation magistrates can hear cases for which an application for hearing has been filed with the Workers’ Disability Compensation Agency. The Board of Magistrates currently consists of 14 members appointed by the governor. All members of the board shall be members in good standing of the State Bar of Michigan and have been an attorney licensed to practice in the courts of this state for 5 years or more.
This appointment is subject to the advice and consent of the Senate.
—Michigan State Transportation Commission
John Peracchio is a managing member of Peracchio & Company LLC, the regional director of the Naval War College Foundation for Michigan and the Great Lakes, and a board member for Feonix, a mobility network for underserved communities. Peracchio is also a member of the Intelligent Transportation Society of America, the International Bridge, Tunnel & Turnpike Association, and the Michigan Energy Innovation Business Council. Peracchio earned a Bachelor of Arts in economics and history from Brown University and a law degree from Columbia Law School. Peracchio is appointed for a term commencing February 2, 2026,?and expiring December 21, 2028. He succeeds Rhonda Welburn, whose term has expired.
The Michigan State Transportation Commission establishes policy for the Michigan Department of Transportation in relation to transportation programs and facilities and other such works as related to transportation development, as provided by law. Responsibilities of the Commission include the development and implementation of comprehensive transportation plans for the entire state, including aeronautics, bus and rail transit, providing professional and technical assistance, and overseeing the administration of state and federal funds allocated for these programs.
This appointment is subject to the advice and consent of the Senate.
—MEDC Executive Committee
Amanda Pontes is the general counsel and corporate secretary for Lear Corporation. Prior to joining Lear, Pontes was a partner at Bodman PLC where she specialized in business law, mergers and acquisitions, and automotive industry matters. During her time at Lear, Pontes has held a variety of leadership positions across the organization, including global divisional counsel, chief compliance officer, and deputy general counsel. Pontes earned a Bachelor of Arts in economics and English from the University of Michigan and a law degree from Wayne State University Law School. Pontes is appointed to represent business for a term commencing February 2, 2026, and expiring April 5, 2027. She succeeds Gina Thorsen, who has resigned.
The MEDC Executive Committee provides policy direction and guidance to the Michigan Economic Development Corporation regarding economic development program and initiatives, approves the MEDC corporate budget, and appoints the chief executive officer who administers all programs, funds, personnel, and all other administrative transactions of the MEDC. The MEDC Executive Committee assists the MEDC through governance, support to enable results-based action and advocacy for the organization and economic development in Michigan.
This appointment is not subject to the advice and consent of the Senate.
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Plunkett Cooney
Plunkett Cooney partner Frank T. Mamat recently joined National Arbitration and Mediation (NAM) as a hearing officer.
NAM is one of the nation’s full-service providers of Alternative Dispute Resolution services and as a member of their panel, Mamat will be available to arbitrate and mediate cases throughout Michigan.
A partner of Plunkett Cooney, Mamat utilizes his more than 50 years of experience to help companies, contractors, employers, lawmakers, and trade associations resolve union matters. His expertise includes contract negotiations, elections, union avoidance and labor arbitrations. He also advises clients on noncompete agreements, unfair labor practice litigation, harassment suits, wage and hour issues, OSHA-MIOSHA safety matters, and entertainment law.
He is also a registered lobbyist.
In addition, Mamat’s experience includes the resolution of National Labor Relations Board matters, attempted union organization, mass picketing and violence, and secondary boycotts and pressure. His clients also rely on his counsel and advice on ERISA trust funds and related fiduciary liabilities.
Mamat has been honored by several other media and peer review platforms, including Best Lawyers in America, Michigan Super Lawyers, DBusiness magazine’s Top Lawyers, the Labor Relations Institute, American Lawyer magazine and the American Registry, as well as to the 2025 class of Go To Lawyers in employment law as determined by Michigan Lawyers Weekly.
Mamat received his undergraduate degree from the University of Rochester in 1971 and his law degree from Syracuse University College of Law in 1974.
Plunkett is also pleased to announce that associate attorney Danielle Chidiac was recently named to the 2026 Class of Up & Coming Lawyers by Michigan Lawyers Weekly. Chidiac, along with 23 other Michigan attorneys, will be honored at a recognition luncheon on March 27 at The Mint at Michigan First Conference Center in Lathrup Village.
A member of Plunkett Cooney’s Bloomfield Hills office, Chidiac practices primarily in the area of insurance coverage, representing leading property and casualty insurance companies in coverage cases throughout the Midwest. Her work as a member of the firm’s Insurance Coverage Practice Group includes the handling of complex coverage issues, including insurance coverage for underlying environmental contamination, construction defect and product liability claims. She also has experience in resolving extra-contractual claims on behalf of insurance providers.
In addition to the MiLW honor, Chidiac, who is a co-leader of Plunkett Cooney’s Associate Development Committee, was named to the Lawyers of Color’s DEI Hot List in 2023.
Chidiac received her law degree from Wayne State University Law School in 2020 and her undergraduate degree from Oakland University in 2017.
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Honigman LLP
Honigman LLP recently announced that Jonathan Schwartz joined the firm’s Litigation Department and Supply Chain and Commercial Transactions Practice Group in its Detroit office.
Schwartz’s practice spans high-stakes commercial litigation, supply chain and complex contract matters, and media and entertainment disputes and transactions. He represents clients in state and federal courts across the United States and advises on sensitive, business-critical matters where operational continuity, reputation, intellectual property, and constitutional interests may be at risk.
Schwartz litigates and resolves complex disputes involving commercial contracts, employment and restrictive covenants, trade secrets and confidential information, real estate and property claims, business breakups, and related business torts. He is also trusted to draft, negotiate, and enforce sophisticated agreements in support of business formation, growth, strategic partnerships, acquisitions, and asset sales, bringing a practical, litigation-informed approach to risk allocation and deal execution.
Schwartz earned his law degree from Wayne State University Law School and his B.A. from the University of Michigan.
Honigman also announced that Jacob “Jake” Rambeau joined the firm’s Intellectual Property Litigation Practice Group of the firm’s Intellectual Property Department in its Bloomfield Hills office. Rambeau’s hire marks the second Kirkland & Ellis litigator and the sixth partner to join Honigman this year.
Rambeau is a trial-tested litigator that guides clients big and small through complex intellectual property and commercial litigation, with a focus on patent infringement, trade-secret misappropriation, and contract disputes. He practices in courts and agencies nationwide, including federal district courts, the United States International Trade Commission (USITC), the Patent Trial and Appeal Board (PTAB), and the United States Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit.
Rambeau has experience across all phases of litigation involving a range of technologies, including in the automotive, electronics, wireless communications, software, medical device, industrial equipment, and consumer products industries. He also brings trial experience, having served on nearly a dozen trial teams in federal courts and the ITC and obtained complete wins for plaintiffs and defendants alike.
Rambeau earned his law degree from the University of Michigan Law School and his B.S. from Kettering University.
In addition, Honigman Partner Don Kunz was recently recognized by Michigan Lawyers Weekly in its 2026 Hall of Fame class.
Kunz concentrates his practice on corporate finance and governance matters, with a particular emphasis on representing publicly traded companies. He advises clients on capital raising, including acquisitions and dispositions, IPOs, and follow-on offerings; corporate governance issues, including counseling boards of directors, board committees, and officers on executive compensation planning and wide-ranging day-to-day issues; and public-company reporting and disclosure matters.
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Foley, Baron, Metzger & Juip PLLC
Foley, Baron, Metzger, & Juip PLLC congratulates Matt McCann on his selection as co-editor of the Michigan Defense Trial Counsel Quarterly. McCann will serve alongside Samantha Orvis of Secrest Wardle in this leadership role with the Michigan Defense Trial Counsel.
The Michigan Defense Quarterly is distributed to justices, Court of Appeals judges, and trial judges throughout Michigan and provides insight on developments impacting the defense bar.
McCann is an associate principal with FBMJ. He has experience leading the research, investigation, and litigation of complex commercial, administrative, civil rights and white-collar criminal proceedings. His career before joining FBMJ spanned many years at firms in the New York City metropolitan area where he litigated against the New York City Department of Education in both administrative and federal proceedings to ensure the implementation of a free appropriate public education for students with special needs in all five boroughs of New York City.
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Dobrusin IP Law
Dobrusin IP Law is proud to announce that attorneys Erin Klug and Rebecca Wilson have again been recognized in the WTR 1000 by the World Trademark Review for 2026. The two earned the Gold designation for another year—an honor held by only seven individuals in Michigan. Alongside their individual honors, the firm has been awarded the Silver designation by WTR.
Klug, an intellectual property attorney, represents clients spanning industries such as cannabis, automotive, and real estate.
Wilson’s practice focuses on trademarks and copyrights for diverse clients, including fashion brands, craft breweries, and medical device companies.
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Kemp Klein Law Firm
Kemp Klein Law Firm is proud to announce that Ralph A. Castelli has been named to the 2026 Michigan Lawyers Weekly Hall of Fame. An induction event will take place on Friday, March 27, at The Mint at Michigan First Conference Center in Lathrup Village.
Castelli’s legal practice has spanned decades and involves a range of business matters, including business planning and structuring, exit planning, shareholder and partner separations, and the full spectrum of real estate and business transactions.
In addition to his legal practice, Castelli served as chairman of the board and chief executive officer of Kemp Klein Law Firm for 26 years, playing a central role in guiding the firm through significant growth while reinforcing a culture of professionalism, collaboration, and integrity.
Castelli is also a board member and former president of the Kemp Klein Foundation, which sponsors Common Ground and supports numerous local and national charitable causes, reflecting his long-standing commitment to community service.
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Reising Ethington PC
Reising PC is pleased to announce that President Rick Hoffmann has become a Fellow of the Litigation Counsel of America
Hoffmann has experience in IP litigation and has litigated IP disputes at every court level from state district court through the U.S. Supreme Court. He has also litigated cases at the International Trade Commission, the Patent Trial and Appeal Board, and the Trademark Trial and Appeal Board.
Hoffmann is a coauthor of the seventh edition of the textbook “Cases and Materials on Patent Law: Including Trade Secrets,” published by West Academic. He also is an adjunct faculty member at University of Detroit Mercy School of Law teaching Patent Law.
Hoffmann received his Bachelor of Science in Chemical Engineering from Michigan Technological University and his law degree from the Detroit College of Law (now Michigan State University College of Law). He has also served as president of the Saginaw Valley Patent Law Association and as a council member to the Intellectual Property Law section of the State Bar of Michigan.
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Varnum LLP
Varnum partner Jacob Whately has been recognized as an Up & Coming Lawyer by Michigan Lawyers Weekly. Whately and other Up & Coming honorees will be recognized at a luncheon on March 27.
Whately is a member of Varnum’s Business and Corporate Practice Team. With a focus on mergers and acquisitions (M&A), he counsels both buyers and sellers on transactions of all sizes. His practice also covers a full range of general corporate work across diverse industries.
Whately is also a member of Varnum’s Venture Capital and Emerging Companies Practice Team and an active participant in Varnum’s MiSpringboard program, a firm initiative that helps remove barriers to starting a business by providing free legal services to startups.
Beyond his legal practice, Whately serves on Varnum’s Associate Recruiting Committee and participates in the firm’s law student outreach activity. He is also active in the Detroit Chapter of the Association for Corporate Growth and helps coordinate Varnum’s support for local investor groups.
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Dickinson Wright PLLC
Dickinson Wright is pleased to announce that Aleanna Siacon (associate, Troy) has been named to Michigan Lawyers Weekly’s 2026 Up and Coming Lawyers.
“I am honored to be selected by Michigan Lawyers Weekly as a member of their 2026 Up and Coming Lawyer Class. This list is filled with such talented and accomplished attorneys, and it’s a privilege to be included among their ranks,” Siacon said.
Siacon focuses her practice on commercial litigation and works on a variety of complex business disputes. She has a passion for civil litigation and all its intricacies and has experience defending and counseling companies, municipalities, and school districts in a wide array of legal matters from investigation to matter resolution. She is recognized as a leader in her field by Best Lawyers in America “Ones to Watch.”
Siacon is vice president and former treasurer of the Michigan Asian Pacific American Bar Association and in 2025 was appointed to the State Bar of Michigan’s Diversity & Inclusion Advisory Committee. She is a Fellow of the Oakland County Bar Foundation and a member of Federal Bar Association – Eastern District of Michigan Chapter.
Siacon received her B.A. from Wayne State University and her law degree from Wayne State University Law School.
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Dykema
Dykema recently announced that Michael P. Cooney was selected as an inductee to the Michigan Lawyers Weekly Hall of Fame.
Trained as an engineer and seasoned in intellectual property and product liability litigation, Cooney is known for his ability to translate complex technical concepts into clear, persuasive courtroom presentations. His trial record includes defense verdicts in numerous high-stakes cases across the country, frequently in jurisdictions viewed as difficult for corporate defendants. His experience spans industries including automotive, medical devices, recreational vehicles, industrial equipment, consumer products, and emerging technologies.
In addition to his trial practice, Cooney has played a leadership role within Dykema for more than a decade as director of the firm’s 200-plus-attorney Litigation Department, following earlier service as leader of the firm’s Product Liability Practice Group.
Cooney is a Fellow of the American College of Trial Lawyers and a member of the American Board of Trial Advocates. He has also served in leadership roles with the State Bar of Michigan, including on the Litigation Section Council, as programs chair, and on the Character and Fitness Committee, as well as with the Detroit Bar Association’s Litigation Section.
Cooney earned a law degree and a B.S.M.E. from the University of Notre Dame.
Dykema also announced that Andrew VanEgmond was selected for Michigan Lawyers Weekly’s “Up & Coming Lawyers” Class of 2026.
VanEgmond maintains a litigation practice focused on automotive class actions and healthcare litigation, including False Claims Act matters. In addition to his litigation practice, he created and scaled a special education pro bono program addressing suspensions and expulsions of students with disabilities, in partnership with the Student Advocacy Center of Michigan. Working with the firm’s pro bono leadership, he designed a training and supervision model that enables attorneys across the firm and in-house counsel partners to handle special education due process matters.
VanEgmond earned his law degree from the University of Michigan Law School and his B.A. from Michigan State University.
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Brooks Kushman P.C.
Abdulai Rashid, an associate at Brooks Kushman, has been named a 2026 LCLD Pathfinder. The LCLD Pathfinder Program provides high-potential, early-career attorneys with the opportunity to learn from top leaders in the legal profession while gaining foundational leadership skills and relationship-building resources.
Abdulai focuses on patent prosecution and litigation in the biomedical and automotive industries, while also assisting clients with trademark matters and supporting early-stage innovators in developing protectable ideas. He gained experience in dispute resolution as the founder of Penn State Law’s Alternative Dispute Resolution Program, coordinating student teams in negotiation and mediation competitions. He also worked in the Penn State Law IP Clinic, helping entrepreneurs connect with counsel and resources.
In addition, Bryan Hart, an associate at Brooks Kushman, has been named a 2026 LCLD Fellow. The LCLD Fellows Program offers high-potential, mid-career attorneys at LCLD Member organizations the opportunity to develop leadership skills and build meaningful relationships within the legal profession.
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Harness IP
Harness IP is proud to announce its continued recognition in the WTR 1000 – World Trademark Review’s 2026 ranking.
In Michigan, Harness IP earned a Bronze ranking, with WTR noting the firm’s experience and reputation in helping clients to enhance their intellectual property assets.
WTR also highlighted Lisa DuRoss as a Silver Ranked Individual. DuRoss, based in the Detroit Metro office, is recognized as a brand management trusted advisor who provides innovative, strategic counsel to clients across the United States and around the world.
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Taft
Taft Detroit welcomes associates David Grisa and Carla Valdes to the firm’s Detroit office.
Grisa joins Taft as an associate with a focus on complex private client matters relating to probate administration, trust administration, guardianships, and conservatorships. He is experienced in negotiating with opposing counsel to facilitate resolutions that end in obtaining favorable settlements for his clients.
Valdes joins Taft as an associate with a focus on complex environmental and eminent domain matters. With a foundation in geology and years of experience in environmental research and enforcement, Valdes brings a unique perspective to her legal practice. After earning a master’s degree in geology from the University of Utah, she worked on high-impact environmental projects, including mercury contamination in the Great Salt Lake and groundwater contamination plumes. Her tenure at the EPA honed her skills in compliance enforcement and policy analysis, which now inform her strategic approach to litigation and client advocacy.
In addition, Taft Partner Rick Kruger spoke at the State Bar of Michigan Debtor/Creditor Rights Committee meeting on Jan. 29. He was part of a panel discussion, “Beneath the Hood: Automotive Distress and Contract Disputes.” The discussion was moderated by the U.S. Bankruptcy Court Judge Lisa Gretchko, Eastern District of Michigan.
Kruger is a member of Taft’s Bankruptcy and Restructuring and Real Estate Finance practice groups, as well as a member of the Automotive industry group. He has a national practice focusing on both transactional and litigation aspects of bankruptcy law, debtor and creditor rights, workouts, corporate, and financing transactions.
Kruger’s client representations include original equipment manufacturers, borrowers, debtors, secured parties, landlords, purchasers, sellers, receivers, avoidance defendants, and unsecured creditors’ committees. His strategy and expertise span across a diverse list of industries, with a focus on Automotive and business sectors, providing creative solutions in all facets of these complex transactions.
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Giarmarco, Mullins, & Horton, P.C.
Giarmarco, Mullins, & Horton PC in pleased to congratulate attorney Lindsay Hazen who has been recognized as an “Up & Coming Lawyer” by Michigan Lawyers Weekly. She will be honored on March 27 along with other members of the Michigan legal community.
Hazen is an attorney in the firm’s Education Law Group. She represents public school districts in matters of employment discrimination, constitutional litigation, general education, special education, student discipline and due process, peer-on-peer harassment, and more. Additionally, Hazen has experience in counseling and advising clients on their bargaining agreements, employment agreements, employment policies, employee issues, disciplinary actions, and compliance with laws such as FMLA, ADA, Title IX, FOIA, and the Open Meetings Act.
Hazen earned her law degree from Wayne State University Law School. Prior to entering law school, she was a paralegal for the Department of Justice.
Licensing rules make Michigan’s health care problems worse
February 06 ,2026
As health care gets more expensive and Michigan struggles to fill
positions, lawmakers have explored different ways to make it easier to
work. This includes easing some licensing burdens, expanding scope of
practice and creating some sub-categories of licensing.
:
Jarrett Skorup
Mackinac Center for Public Policy
As health care gets more expensive and Michigan struggles to fill positions, lawmakers have explored different ways to make it easier to work. This includes easing some licensing burdens, expanding scope of practice and creating some sub-categories of licensing.
Not everyone is happy. Bridge Michigan reported recently that “some medical groups warn those efforts endanger patients.”
A “doctor” of nursing? A physician “associate?” A nurse “anesthesiologist?” The ever-expanding terminology and expansion of professional licensing can cause “confusion” for patients who are already navigating a “cloudy environment” in the state’s health care system, said Dr. Tom George, the CEO of the Michigan State Medical Society. “We have a shortage (of physicians) and we recognize the modern practice of health care uses multi-disciplinary teams,” George said. “Patients in Michigan deserve to have a physician available for their care.”
The article notes the abundant evidence that nurse practitioners improve care without endangering patients and shows how most states are safely allowing other medical professionals to practice. But associations of current medical professionals oppose the changes.
Physician advocates like George, whose organization represents the state’s medical and osteopathic doctors, oppose multiple legislative efforts to grant nurse practitioners full practice authority.
Medication aides — a position that the Michigan Nurses Association opposed — began working in Michigan’s nursing homes in 2023, an industry dogged by short staffing.
Nearly a decade ago, the Michigan Dental Association argued against the creation of dental therapists. President Dr. Cheri Newman told Bridge earlier this month it would have better served Michiganders to grow the current workforce of dentists and dental hygienists instead, with better outreach to high school students and expanded mentorships.
The Michigan Academy of Family Physicians also opposes expanded roles for physicians assistants, arguing that fully-trained medical doctors have “distinctive skills, training and experience.” Likewise, a bill to expand roles for nurse practitioners, it contends, is “dangerous legislation.”
The history of state licensing laws shows that these responses from interest groups are typical. People already working in licensed occupations benefit when the state forces their would-be competitors to get a license before operating legally. The mandates limit competition and reduce the supply of labor, increasing the price for the services provided by those who are licensed.
Regardless of the occupation, almost unanimously the interest groups that benefit from current licensing laws oppose changes that would make it easier for people to compete with an incumbent professional. In recent years, that has been the case for barbers, outdoor guides, dieticians, funeral homes, property managers, therapists, sprinkler installers, food delivery drivers, solar panel installers and most health care professions.
Lawmakers have a role in establishing regulations to protect the public. But they rarely try to determine if these rules do so. That’s why so many of Michigan’s 180 licensed occupations are so random and the thousands of rules regulating these jobs are so arbitrary. These rules come at a cost of hundreds of thousands fewer jobs and thousands of dollars in higher costs for consumers.
So what should the state do about it? It should regularly review all of the licensing laws on the books and ensure they are doing what they are intended to do — protect public health and safety. Many other states have done so, and there’s a model review process for Michigan to do so as well.
—————
Jarrett Skorup is the vice president for marketing and communications at the Mackinac Center for Public Policy.
Not everyone is happy. Bridge Michigan reported recently that “some medical groups warn those efforts endanger patients.”
A “doctor” of nursing? A physician “associate?” A nurse “anesthesiologist?” The ever-expanding terminology and expansion of professional licensing can cause “confusion” for patients who are already navigating a “cloudy environment” in the state’s health care system, said Dr. Tom George, the CEO of the Michigan State Medical Society. “We have a shortage (of physicians) and we recognize the modern practice of health care uses multi-disciplinary teams,” George said. “Patients in Michigan deserve to have a physician available for their care.”
The article notes the abundant evidence that nurse practitioners improve care without endangering patients and shows how most states are safely allowing other medical professionals to practice. But associations of current medical professionals oppose the changes.
Physician advocates like George, whose organization represents the state’s medical and osteopathic doctors, oppose multiple legislative efforts to grant nurse practitioners full practice authority.
Medication aides — a position that the Michigan Nurses Association opposed — began working in Michigan’s nursing homes in 2023, an industry dogged by short staffing.
Nearly a decade ago, the Michigan Dental Association argued against the creation of dental therapists. President Dr. Cheri Newman told Bridge earlier this month it would have better served Michiganders to grow the current workforce of dentists and dental hygienists instead, with better outreach to high school students and expanded mentorships.
The Michigan Academy of Family Physicians also opposes expanded roles for physicians assistants, arguing that fully-trained medical doctors have “distinctive skills, training and experience.” Likewise, a bill to expand roles for nurse practitioners, it contends, is “dangerous legislation.”
The history of state licensing laws shows that these responses from interest groups are typical. People already working in licensed occupations benefit when the state forces their would-be competitors to get a license before operating legally. The mandates limit competition and reduce the supply of labor, increasing the price for the services provided by those who are licensed.
Regardless of the occupation, almost unanimously the interest groups that benefit from current licensing laws oppose changes that would make it easier for people to compete with an incumbent professional. In recent years, that has been the case for barbers, outdoor guides, dieticians, funeral homes, property managers, therapists, sprinkler installers, food delivery drivers, solar panel installers and most health care professions.
Lawmakers have a role in establishing regulations to protect the public. But they rarely try to determine if these rules do so. That’s why so many of Michigan’s 180 licensed occupations are so random and the thousands of rules regulating these jobs are so arbitrary. These rules come at a cost of hundreds of thousands fewer jobs and thousands of dollars in higher costs for consumers.
So what should the state do about it? It should regularly review all of the licensing laws on the books and ensure they are doing what they are intended to do — protect public health and safety. Many other states have done so, and there’s a model review process for Michigan to do so as well.
—————
Jarrett Skorup is the vice president for marketing and communications at the Mackinac Center for Public Policy.
Bad Bunny’s Super Bowl show is part of long play drawn up by NFL to score with Latin America
February 06 ,2026
Donald Trump, it is fair to assume, will be switching channels during this year’s Super Bowl halftime show.
:
Jared Bahir Browsh
University of Colorado Boulder
(THE CONVERSATION) — Donald Trump, it is fair to assume, will be switching channels during this year’s Super Bowl halftime show.
The U.S. president has already said that he won’t be attending Super Bowl LX in person, suggesting that the venue, Levi’s Stadium in Santa Clara, California, was “just too far away.” But the choice of celebrity entertainment planned for the main break – Puerto Rican reggaeton star Bad Bunny and recently announced pregame addition Green Day – didn’t appeal. “I’m anti-them. I think it’s a terrible choice. All it does is sow hatred. Terrible,”
Trump told the New York Post.
National Football League Commissioner Roger Goodell likely didn’t have the sensibilities of the U.S. president in mind when the choice of Bad Bunny was made.
One of the top artists in the world, Bad Bunny performs primarily in Spanish and has been critical of immigration enforcement, which factored into the backlash in some conservative circles to the choice. Bad Bunny’s anti-ICE comments at this year’s Grammy Awards will have only stoked the ire of some conservatives.
But for the NFL hierarchy, this was likely a business decision, not a political one. The league has its eyes on expansion into Latin America; Bad Bunny, they hope, will be a ratings-winning means to an end. It has made such bets in the past. In 2020, Shakira and Jennifer Lopez were chosen to perform, with Bad Bunny making an appearance. The choice then, too, was seen as controversial.
—————
Raising the flag overseas
As a teacher and scholar of critical sports studies, I study the global growth of U.S.-based sports leagues overseas.
Some, like the National Basketball Association, are at an advantage. The sport is played around the globe and has large support bases in Asia – notably in the Philippines and China – as well as in Europe, Australia and Canada.
The NFL, by contrast, is largely entering markets that have comparatively little knowledge and experience with football and its players.
The league has opted for a multiprong approach to attracting international fans, including lobbying to get flag football into the 2028 Olympics in Los Angeles.
—————
Playing the field
When it comes to the traditional tackle game, the NFL has held global aspirations for over three-quarters of a century. Between 1950-1961, before they merged, the NFL and American Football League played seven games against teams in Canada’s CFL to strengthen the relationship between the two nations’ leagues.
Developing a fan base south of the border has long been part of the plan.
The first international exhibition game between two NFL teams was supposed to take place in Mexico City in 1968. But Mexican protest over the economy and cost of staging the Olympics that year led the game, between the Detroit Lions and Philadelphia Eagles, to be canceled.
Instead, it was Montreal that staged the first international exhibition match the following year.
In 1986, the NFL added an annual international preseason game, the “American Bowl,” to reach international fans, including several games in Mexico City and one in Monterrey.
But the more concerted effort was to grow football in the potentially lucrative, and familiar, European market.
After several attempts by the NFL and other entities in the 1970s and ‘80s to establish an international football league, the NFL-backed World League of Football launched in 1991. Featuring six teams from the United States, one from Canada and three from Europe, the spring league lost money but provided evidence that there was a market for American football in Europe, leading to the establishment of NFL Europe.
But NFL bosses have long had wider ambitions. The league staged 13 games in Tokyo, beginning in 1976, and planned exhibitions for 2007 and 2009 in China that were ultimately canceled. These attempts did not have the same success as in Europe.
—————
Beyond exhibitions
The NFL’s outreach in Latin America has been decades in the making. After six exhibition matches in Mexico between 1978 and 2001, the NFL chose Mexico City as the venue of its first regular season game outside the United States.
In 2005, it pitted the Arizona Cardinals against the San Francisco 49ers at Estadio Azteca in Mexico City. Marketed as “Fútbol Americano,” it drew the largest attendance in NFL history, with over 103,000 spectators.
The following year, Goodell was named commissioner and announced that the NFL would focus future international efforts on regular-season games.
The U.K. was a safe bet due to the established stadium infrastructure and the country’s small but passionate fan base. The NFL International Series was played exclusively in London between 2007 and 2016.
But in 2016, the NFL finally returned to Mexico City, staging a regular-season game between the Oakland – now Las Vegas – Raiders and Houston Texans.
And after the completion of upgrades to Latin America’s largest stadium, Estadio Azteca, the NFL will return to Mexico City in 2026, along with games in Munich, Berlin and London. Future plans include expanding the series to include Sydney, Australia, and Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, in 2026.
The International Player Pathway program also offers players from outside the United States an opportunity to train and earn a roster spot on an NFL team. The hope is that future Latin American players could help expand the sport in their home countries, similar to how Yao Ming expanded the NBA fan base in China after joining the Houston Rockets, and Shohei Ohtani did the same for baseball in Japan while playing in Los Angeles.
—————
Heading south of the border
The NFL’s strategy has gained the league a foothold in Latin America.
Mexico and Brazil have become the two largest international markets for the NFL, with nearly 40 million fans in each of the nations.
Although this represents a fraction of the overall sports fans in each nation, the raw numbers match the overall Latino fan base in the United States. In recent years the NFL has celebrated Latino Heritage Month through its Por La Cultura campaign, highlighting Latino players past and present.
Latin America also offers practical advantages. Mexico has long had access to NFL games as the southern neighbor to the United States, with the Dallas Cowboys among the most popular teams in Mexico.
For broadcasters, Central and South America offer less disruption in regards to time zones. Games in Europe start as early as 6:30 a.m. for West Coast fans, whereas Mexico City follows Central time, and Brasilia time is only one to two hours ahead of Eastern time.
The NFL’s expansion plans are not without criticism. Domestically, fans have complained that teams playing outside the U.S. borders means one less home game for season-ticket holders. And some teams have embraced international games more than others.
Another criticism is the league, which has reported revenues of over US$23 billion during the 2024-25 season – nearly double any other U.S.-based league – is using its resources to displace local sports. There are also those who see expansion of the league as a form of cultural imperialism. These criticisms often intersect with long-held ideas around the league promoting militarism, nationalism and American exceptionalism.
—————
Bad Bunny: No Hail Mary attempt
For sure, the choice of Bad Bunny as the halftime pick is controversial, given the current political climate around immigration. The artist removed tour dates on the U.S. mainland in 2025 due to concerns about ICE targeting fans at his concerts, a concern reinforced by threats from the Department of Homeland Security that they would do just that at the Super Bowl.
But in sticking with Bad Bunny, the NFL is showing it is willing to face down a section of its traditional support and bet instead on Latin American fans not just tuning in for the halftime show but for the whole game – and falling in love with football, too.
The U.S. president has already said that he won’t be attending Super Bowl LX in person, suggesting that the venue, Levi’s Stadium in Santa Clara, California, was “just too far away.” But the choice of celebrity entertainment planned for the main break – Puerto Rican reggaeton star Bad Bunny and recently announced pregame addition Green Day – didn’t appeal. “I’m anti-them. I think it’s a terrible choice. All it does is sow hatred. Terrible,”
Trump told the New York Post.
National Football League Commissioner Roger Goodell likely didn’t have the sensibilities of the U.S. president in mind when the choice of Bad Bunny was made.
One of the top artists in the world, Bad Bunny performs primarily in Spanish and has been critical of immigration enforcement, which factored into the backlash in some conservative circles to the choice. Bad Bunny’s anti-ICE comments at this year’s Grammy Awards will have only stoked the ire of some conservatives.
But for the NFL hierarchy, this was likely a business decision, not a political one. The league has its eyes on expansion into Latin America; Bad Bunny, they hope, will be a ratings-winning means to an end. It has made such bets in the past. In 2020, Shakira and Jennifer Lopez were chosen to perform, with Bad Bunny making an appearance. The choice then, too, was seen as controversial.
—————
Raising the flag overseas
As a teacher and scholar of critical sports studies, I study the global growth of U.S.-based sports leagues overseas.
Some, like the National Basketball Association, are at an advantage. The sport is played around the globe and has large support bases in Asia – notably in the Philippines and China – as well as in Europe, Australia and Canada.
The NFL, by contrast, is largely entering markets that have comparatively little knowledge and experience with football and its players.
The league has opted for a multiprong approach to attracting international fans, including lobbying to get flag football into the 2028 Olympics in Los Angeles.
—————
Playing the field
When it comes to the traditional tackle game, the NFL has held global aspirations for over three-quarters of a century. Between 1950-1961, before they merged, the NFL and American Football League played seven games against teams in Canada’s CFL to strengthen the relationship between the two nations’ leagues.
Developing a fan base south of the border has long been part of the plan.
The first international exhibition game between two NFL teams was supposed to take place in Mexico City in 1968. But Mexican protest over the economy and cost of staging the Olympics that year led the game, between the Detroit Lions and Philadelphia Eagles, to be canceled.
Instead, it was Montreal that staged the first international exhibition match the following year.
In 1986, the NFL added an annual international preseason game, the “American Bowl,” to reach international fans, including several games in Mexico City and one in Monterrey.
But the more concerted effort was to grow football in the potentially lucrative, and familiar, European market.
After several attempts by the NFL and other entities in the 1970s and ‘80s to establish an international football league, the NFL-backed World League of Football launched in 1991. Featuring six teams from the United States, one from Canada and three from Europe, the spring league lost money but provided evidence that there was a market for American football in Europe, leading to the establishment of NFL Europe.
But NFL bosses have long had wider ambitions. The league staged 13 games in Tokyo, beginning in 1976, and planned exhibitions for 2007 and 2009 in China that were ultimately canceled. These attempts did not have the same success as in Europe.
—————
Beyond exhibitions
The NFL’s outreach in Latin America has been decades in the making. After six exhibition matches in Mexico between 1978 and 2001, the NFL chose Mexico City as the venue of its first regular season game outside the United States.
In 2005, it pitted the Arizona Cardinals against the San Francisco 49ers at Estadio Azteca in Mexico City. Marketed as “Fútbol Americano,” it drew the largest attendance in NFL history, with over 103,000 spectators.
The following year, Goodell was named commissioner and announced that the NFL would focus future international efforts on regular-season games.
The U.K. was a safe bet due to the established stadium infrastructure and the country’s small but passionate fan base. The NFL International Series was played exclusively in London between 2007 and 2016.
But in 2016, the NFL finally returned to Mexico City, staging a regular-season game between the Oakland – now Las Vegas – Raiders and Houston Texans.
And after the completion of upgrades to Latin America’s largest stadium, Estadio Azteca, the NFL will return to Mexico City in 2026, along with games in Munich, Berlin and London. Future plans include expanding the series to include Sydney, Australia, and Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, in 2026.
The International Player Pathway program also offers players from outside the United States an opportunity to train and earn a roster spot on an NFL team. The hope is that future Latin American players could help expand the sport in their home countries, similar to how Yao Ming expanded the NBA fan base in China after joining the Houston Rockets, and Shohei Ohtani did the same for baseball in Japan while playing in Los Angeles.
—————
Heading south of the border
The NFL’s strategy has gained the league a foothold in Latin America.
Mexico and Brazil have become the two largest international markets for the NFL, with nearly 40 million fans in each of the nations.
Although this represents a fraction of the overall sports fans in each nation, the raw numbers match the overall Latino fan base in the United States. In recent years the NFL has celebrated Latino Heritage Month through its Por La Cultura campaign, highlighting Latino players past and present.
Latin America also offers practical advantages. Mexico has long had access to NFL games as the southern neighbor to the United States, with the Dallas Cowboys among the most popular teams in Mexico.
For broadcasters, Central and South America offer less disruption in regards to time zones. Games in Europe start as early as 6:30 a.m. for West Coast fans, whereas Mexico City follows Central time, and Brasilia time is only one to two hours ahead of Eastern time.
The NFL’s expansion plans are not without criticism. Domestically, fans have complained that teams playing outside the U.S. borders means one less home game for season-ticket holders. And some teams have embraced international games more than others.
Another criticism is the league, which has reported revenues of over US$23 billion during the 2024-25 season – nearly double any other U.S.-based league – is using its resources to displace local sports. There are also those who see expansion of the league as a form of cultural imperialism. These criticisms often intersect with long-held ideas around the league promoting militarism, nationalism and American exceptionalism.
—————
Bad Bunny: No Hail Mary attempt
For sure, the choice of Bad Bunny as the halftime pick is controversial, given the current political climate around immigration. The artist removed tour dates on the U.S. mainland in 2025 due to concerns about ICE targeting fans at his concerts, a concern reinforced by threats from the Department of Homeland Security that they would do just that at the Super Bowl.
But in sticking with Bad Bunny, the NFL is showing it is willing to face down a section of its traditional support and bet instead on Latin American fans not just tuning in for the halftime show but for the whole game – and falling in love with football, too.
A terrorism label that comes before the facts can turn ‘domestic terrorism’ into a useless designation
February 06 ,2026
In separate encounters, federal immigration agents in Minneapolis killed Renée Good and Alex Pretti in January 2026.
:
Brian O’Neill
Georgia Institute of Technology
(THE CONVERSATION) — In separate encounters, federal immigration agents in Minneapolis killed Renée Good and Alex Pretti in January 2026.
Shortly after Pretti’s killing, Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem said he committed an “act of domestic terrorism.” Noem made the same accusation against Good.
But the label “domestic terrorism” is not a generic synonym for the kind of politically charged violence Noem alleged both had committed. U.S. law describes the term as a specific idea: acts dangerous to human life that appear intended to intimidate civilians, pressure government policy or affect government conduct through extreme means. Intent is the hinge.
From my experience managing counterterrorism analysts at the CIA and the National Counterterrorism Center, I know the terrorism label – domestic or international – is a judgment applied only after intent and context are assessed. It’s not to be used before an investigation has even begun. Terrorism determinations require analytic discipline, not speed.
—————
Evidence before conclusions
In the first news cycle, investigators may know the crude details of what happened: who fired, who died and roughly what happened. They usually do not know motive with enough confidence to declare that coercive intent – the element that separates terrorism from other serious crimes – is present.
The Congressional Research Service, which provides policy analysis to Congress, makes a related point: While the term “domestic terrorism” is defined in statute, it is not itself a standalone federal offense. That’s part of the reason why public use of the term can outpace legal and investigative reality.
This dynamic – the temptation to close on a narrative before the evidence warrants it – seen most recently in the Homeland Security secretary’s assertions, echoes long-standing insights in intelligence scholarship and formal analytic standards.
Intelligence studies make a simple observation: Analysts and institutions face inherent uncertainty because information is often incomplete, ambiguous and subject to deception.
In response, the U.S. intelligence community codified analytic standards in the aftermath of the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks. The standards emphasize objectivity, independence from political influence, and rigorous articulation of uncertainty. The goal was not to eliminate uncertainty but to bound it with disciplined methods and transparent assumptions.
—————
When narrative outruns evidence
The terrorism label becomes risky when leaders publicly call an incident “domestic terrorism” before they can explain what evidence supports that conclusion. By doing that, they invite two predictable problems.
The first problem is institutional. Once a senior official declares something with categorical certainty, the system can feel pressure – sometimes subtle, sometimes overt – to validate the headline.
In high-profile incidents, the opposite response, institutional caution, is easily seen as evasion – pressure that can drive premature public declarations. Instead of starting with questions – “What do we know?” “What evidence would change our minds?” – investigators, analysts and communicators can find themselves defending a superior’s storyline.
The second problem is public trust. Research has found that the “terrorist” label itself shapes how audiences perceive threat and evaluate responses, apart from the underlying facts. Once the public begins to see the term as a political messaging tool, it may discount future uses of the term – including in cases where the coercive intent truly exists.
Once officials and commentators commit publicly to a version ahead of any assessment of intent and context, confirmation bias – interpreting evidence as confirmation of one’s existing beliefs – and anchoring – heavy reliance on preexisting information – can shape both internal decision-making and public reaction.
—————
The long-term cost of misuse
This is not just a semantic fight among experts. Most people carry a mental file for “terrorism” shaped by mass violence and explicit ideological targeting.
When Americans hear the word “terrorism,” they likely think of 9/11, the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing or high-profile attacks abroad, such as the 2005 London bombings and December 2025 antisemitic attack in Sydney, where intent was clear.
By contrast, the more common U.S. experience of violence – shootings, assaults and chaotic confrontations with law enforcement – is typically treated by investigators, and understood by the public, as homicide or targeted violence until motive is established. That public habit reflects a commonsense sequence: First determine what happened, then decide why, then decide how to categorize it.
U.S. federal agencies have published standard definitions and tracking terminology for domestic terrorism, but senior officials’ public statements can outrun investigative reality.
The Minneapolis cases illustrate how fast the damage can occur: Early reporting and documentary material quickly diverged from official accounts. This fed accusations that the narrative was shaped and conclusions made before investigators had gathered the basic facts.
Even though Trump administration officials later distanced themselves from initial claims of domestic terrorism, corrections rarely travel as far as the original assertion. The label sticks, and the public is left to argue over politics rather than evidence.
None of this minimizes the seriousness of violence against officials or the possibility that an incident may ultimately meet a terrorism definition.
The point is discipline. If authorities have evidence of coercive intent – the element that makes “terrorism” distinct – then they would do well to say so and show what can responsibly be shown. If they do not, they could describe the event in ordinary investigative language and let the facts mature.
A “domestic terrorism” label that comes before the facts does not just risk being wrong in one case. It teaches the public, case by case, to treat the term as propaganda rather than diagnosis. When that happens, the category becomes less useful precisely when the country needs clarity most.
Shortly after Pretti’s killing, Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem said he committed an “act of domestic terrorism.” Noem made the same accusation against Good.
But the label “domestic terrorism” is not a generic synonym for the kind of politically charged violence Noem alleged both had committed. U.S. law describes the term as a specific idea: acts dangerous to human life that appear intended to intimidate civilians, pressure government policy or affect government conduct through extreme means. Intent is the hinge.
From my experience managing counterterrorism analysts at the CIA and the National Counterterrorism Center, I know the terrorism label – domestic or international – is a judgment applied only after intent and context are assessed. It’s not to be used before an investigation has even begun. Terrorism determinations require analytic discipline, not speed.
—————
Evidence before conclusions
In the first news cycle, investigators may know the crude details of what happened: who fired, who died and roughly what happened. They usually do not know motive with enough confidence to declare that coercive intent – the element that separates terrorism from other serious crimes – is present.
The Congressional Research Service, which provides policy analysis to Congress, makes a related point: While the term “domestic terrorism” is defined in statute, it is not itself a standalone federal offense. That’s part of the reason why public use of the term can outpace legal and investigative reality.
This dynamic – the temptation to close on a narrative before the evidence warrants it – seen most recently in the Homeland Security secretary’s assertions, echoes long-standing insights in intelligence scholarship and formal analytic standards.
Intelligence studies make a simple observation: Analysts and institutions face inherent uncertainty because information is often incomplete, ambiguous and subject to deception.
In response, the U.S. intelligence community codified analytic standards in the aftermath of the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks. The standards emphasize objectivity, independence from political influence, and rigorous articulation of uncertainty. The goal was not to eliminate uncertainty but to bound it with disciplined methods and transparent assumptions.
—————
When narrative outruns evidence
The terrorism label becomes risky when leaders publicly call an incident “domestic terrorism” before they can explain what evidence supports that conclusion. By doing that, they invite two predictable problems.
The first problem is institutional. Once a senior official declares something with categorical certainty, the system can feel pressure – sometimes subtle, sometimes overt – to validate the headline.
In high-profile incidents, the opposite response, institutional caution, is easily seen as evasion – pressure that can drive premature public declarations. Instead of starting with questions – “What do we know?” “What evidence would change our minds?” – investigators, analysts and communicators can find themselves defending a superior’s storyline.
The second problem is public trust. Research has found that the “terrorist” label itself shapes how audiences perceive threat and evaluate responses, apart from the underlying facts. Once the public begins to see the term as a political messaging tool, it may discount future uses of the term – including in cases where the coercive intent truly exists.
Once officials and commentators commit publicly to a version ahead of any assessment of intent and context, confirmation bias – interpreting evidence as confirmation of one’s existing beliefs – and anchoring – heavy reliance on preexisting information – can shape both internal decision-making and public reaction.
—————
The long-term cost of misuse
This is not just a semantic fight among experts. Most people carry a mental file for “terrorism” shaped by mass violence and explicit ideological targeting.
When Americans hear the word “terrorism,” they likely think of 9/11, the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing or high-profile attacks abroad, such as the 2005 London bombings and December 2025 antisemitic attack in Sydney, where intent was clear.
By contrast, the more common U.S. experience of violence – shootings, assaults and chaotic confrontations with law enforcement – is typically treated by investigators, and understood by the public, as homicide or targeted violence until motive is established. That public habit reflects a commonsense sequence: First determine what happened, then decide why, then decide how to categorize it.
U.S. federal agencies have published standard definitions and tracking terminology for domestic terrorism, but senior officials’ public statements can outrun investigative reality.
The Minneapolis cases illustrate how fast the damage can occur: Early reporting and documentary material quickly diverged from official accounts. This fed accusations that the narrative was shaped and conclusions made before investigators had gathered the basic facts.
Even though Trump administration officials later distanced themselves from initial claims of domestic terrorism, corrections rarely travel as far as the original assertion. The label sticks, and the public is left to argue over politics rather than evidence.
None of this minimizes the seriousness of violence against officials or the possibility that an incident may ultimately meet a terrorism definition.
The point is discipline. If authorities have evidence of coercive intent – the element that makes “terrorism” distinct – then they would do well to say so and show what can responsibly be shown. If they do not, they could describe the event in ordinary investigative language and let the facts mature.
A “domestic terrorism” label that comes before the facts does not just risk being wrong in one case. It teaches the public, case by case, to treat the term as propaganda rather than diagnosis. When that happens, the category becomes less useful precisely when the country needs clarity most.
Congress has exercised minimal oversight over ICE, but that might change
February 05 ,2026
President Donald Trump and Congress agreed to separate funding for the
Department of Homeland Security from a larger spending bill that enables
the federal government to continue operations. They now face a
self-imposed deadline of Feb. 13, 2026, to negotiate potential changes
to immigration enforcement.
:
Claire Leavitt
Smith College
(THE CONVERSATION) — President Donald Trump and Congress agreed to separate funding for the Department of Homeland Security from a larger spending bill that enables the federal government to continue operations. They now face a self-imposed deadline of Feb. 13, 2026, to negotiate potential changes to immigration enforcement.
The fact that funding for the department – and in particular Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE – has become politically contentious represents a new turn on Capitol Hill.
Funding for ICE has increased substantially over the past year, with the number of its agents more than doubling.
On July 4, 2025, Trump signed a massive tax-and-spending package that increased annual funding for ICE from US$8 billion in 2024 to $28 billion in 2025.
During the first year of Trump’s second term, Republican majorities in the House and Senate have taken a hands-off approach to oversight of what is now the nation’s most highly funded law enforcement agency.
I am a professor of government who studies Congress and its oversight role. Since ICE’s funding increase, the Senate has held just one public hearing on ICE, according to my own unpublished data. Although the House has held a few routine oversight hearings of DHS, none have focused on ICE or Customs and Border Protection.
—————
Traditional role for Congress
Congress holds longtime, well-established constitutional authority to oversee and investigate the executive branch and other political institutions. Having authorized funding for federal programs, it typically – if inconsistently - conducts substantial oversight to ensure its policies are being carried out successfully and as lawmakers originally intended.
Following the January 2026 killings of Renee Good and Alex Pretti in Minneapolis, Minnesota, members of Congress from both parties have called for investigations.
However, “investigations” is a broad term that encompasses several options. The Justice Department announced on Jan. 30, 2026, that it is pursuing a civil rights investigation into Pretti’s death. That same day, DHS announced that the FBI is leading the federal probe into his death, with assistance from ICE.
But Congress could also establish an independent, bipartisan commission to examine the killings and make recommendations for laws and regulations to prevent future deaths and ensure quick accountability. Some notable examples of congressional commissions include one that investigated the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, and a 2010 commission that recommended $4 trillion worth of budget changes to address the national debt.
Or Congress could take the lead itself.
Rand Paul, the Republican chair of the primary oversight panel in the Senate, and New York Republican Rep. Andrew Garbarino, the chair of the House Homeland Security Committee, have asked top immigration officials to testify this month. But other congressional Republicans have remained vague about what shape the investigations should take and which branch of government should lead them.
—————
Who’s in charge of oversight?
The debate over which branch of government should investigate government failures is a long-standing one.
Early in the republic’s history, under President George Washington, a federal militia suffered a massive defeat at the hands of Native American tribes at the Battle of Wabash in 1791. Congress was unsure of its constitutional authority to investigate the disastrous encounter: Did the separation-of-powers system prevent Congress from investigating another, independent branch of government? Or did the Constitution’s system of checks and balances imply that the Washington administration could not credibly investigate itself?
Ultimately, the House opted to establish its own investigative committee, and Washington, setting an important precedent, agreed to turn over requested information.
There are several benefits to Congress leading its own inquiries, whether in lieu of, or in addition to, federal agency investigations. For one, even highly combative committee hearings are valuable arenas for information gathering and processing, helping members of Congress thoroughly understand an issue and thus make informed and effective policy changes.
An in-depth committee investigation of the Minneapolis killings could make it more likely that new restrictions and oversight mechanisms are written into law.
—————
Investigations can be bipartisan
Additionally, Congress’ subpoena power is a legally binding tool that enables committees to draw necessary information from the agencies they are investigating. This information, presented at hearings and in committee reports, becomes part of the historical record and serves as an important resource for future investigations both within and outside Congress, including scholarship.
For instance, the final reports of the House Select Committee to Investigate the January 6th Attack in 2022 and the House Committee on Benghazi in 2016 provide exhaustively detailed timelines of the respective attacks that do not exist anywhere else.
Republican-led investigations into the Minneapolis killings, and continued oversight of ICE and CBP, would also lend credibility to both the party and the independence of the legislative branch.
Political scientists have found that committees are less likely to investigate the executive branch when the president is from their own party. However, significant bipartisan probes do occur even in a highly polarized era. In 2005, for instance, Virginia Republican Rep. Tom Davis launched an inquiry into the George W. Bush administration’s response to Hurricane Katrina, despite facing pushback from the White House.
More recently, in 2018, the Republican-controlled House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform investigated Republican Gov. Rick Snyder’s handling of the Flint water crisis in Michigan, earning praise from Democrats on the panel.
—————
Risks of grandstanding
However, while Congress has investigative powers, it does not have any enforcement authority. Congress can recommend criminal charges after an investigation, but only the Justice Department can bring indictments.
There are also significant political risks to committee-led inquiries, particularly public hearings. Political scientists have found that investigations of the executive branch diminish the president’s approval rating.
Additionally, members of Congress often engage in performative outrage and grandstanding during public hearings, which tends to help individual members’ electoral prospects but does little to enhance collective public faith in Congress’ legitimacy or its ability to conduct independent and fact-based inquiries.
Given the continuing partisan divide over ICE and the agency’s increased presence in Minneapolis and other cities, it’s possible that congressional hearings could devolve into rancor and name-calling. However, public opinion polling has found that ICE has become a liability for Trump and the Republican Party.
With the 2026 midterm elections coming up, Republicans in Congress may not be able to afford to stay silent.
The fact that funding for the department – and in particular Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE – has become politically contentious represents a new turn on Capitol Hill.
Funding for ICE has increased substantially over the past year, with the number of its agents more than doubling.
On July 4, 2025, Trump signed a massive tax-and-spending package that increased annual funding for ICE from US$8 billion in 2024 to $28 billion in 2025.
During the first year of Trump’s second term, Republican majorities in the House and Senate have taken a hands-off approach to oversight of what is now the nation’s most highly funded law enforcement agency.
I am a professor of government who studies Congress and its oversight role. Since ICE’s funding increase, the Senate has held just one public hearing on ICE, according to my own unpublished data. Although the House has held a few routine oversight hearings of DHS, none have focused on ICE or Customs and Border Protection.
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Traditional role for Congress
Congress holds longtime, well-established constitutional authority to oversee and investigate the executive branch and other political institutions. Having authorized funding for federal programs, it typically – if inconsistently - conducts substantial oversight to ensure its policies are being carried out successfully and as lawmakers originally intended.
Following the January 2026 killings of Renee Good and Alex Pretti in Minneapolis, Minnesota, members of Congress from both parties have called for investigations.
However, “investigations” is a broad term that encompasses several options. The Justice Department announced on Jan. 30, 2026, that it is pursuing a civil rights investigation into Pretti’s death. That same day, DHS announced that the FBI is leading the federal probe into his death, with assistance from ICE.
But Congress could also establish an independent, bipartisan commission to examine the killings and make recommendations for laws and regulations to prevent future deaths and ensure quick accountability. Some notable examples of congressional commissions include one that investigated the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, and a 2010 commission that recommended $4 trillion worth of budget changes to address the national debt.
Or Congress could take the lead itself.
Rand Paul, the Republican chair of the primary oversight panel in the Senate, and New York Republican Rep. Andrew Garbarino, the chair of the House Homeland Security Committee, have asked top immigration officials to testify this month. But other congressional Republicans have remained vague about what shape the investigations should take and which branch of government should lead them.
—————
Who’s in charge of oversight?
The debate over which branch of government should investigate government failures is a long-standing one.
Early in the republic’s history, under President George Washington, a federal militia suffered a massive defeat at the hands of Native American tribes at the Battle of Wabash in 1791. Congress was unsure of its constitutional authority to investigate the disastrous encounter: Did the separation-of-powers system prevent Congress from investigating another, independent branch of government? Or did the Constitution’s system of checks and balances imply that the Washington administration could not credibly investigate itself?
Ultimately, the House opted to establish its own investigative committee, and Washington, setting an important precedent, agreed to turn over requested information.
There are several benefits to Congress leading its own inquiries, whether in lieu of, or in addition to, federal agency investigations. For one, even highly combative committee hearings are valuable arenas for information gathering and processing, helping members of Congress thoroughly understand an issue and thus make informed and effective policy changes.
An in-depth committee investigation of the Minneapolis killings could make it more likely that new restrictions and oversight mechanisms are written into law.
—————
Investigations can be bipartisan
Additionally, Congress’ subpoena power is a legally binding tool that enables committees to draw necessary information from the agencies they are investigating. This information, presented at hearings and in committee reports, becomes part of the historical record and serves as an important resource for future investigations both within and outside Congress, including scholarship.
For instance, the final reports of the House Select Committee to Investigate the January 6th Attack in 2022 and the House Committee on Benghazi in 2016 provide exhaustively detailed timelines of the respective attacks that do not exist anywhere else.
Republican-led investigations into the Minneapolis killings, and continued oversight of ICE and CBP, would also lend credibility to both the party and the independence of the legislative branch.
Political scientists have found that committees are less likely to investigate the executive branch when the president is from their own party. However, significant bipartisan probes do occur even in a highly polarized era. In 2005, for instance, Virginia Republican Rep. Tom Davis launched an inquiry into the George W. Bush administration’s response to Hurricane Katrina, despite facing pushback from the White House.
More recently, in 2018, the Republican-controlled House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform investigated Republican Gov. Rick Snyder’s handling of the Flint water crisis in Michigan, earning praise from Democrats on the panel.
—————
Risks of grandstanding
However, while Congress has investigative powers, it does not have any enforcement authority. Congress can recommend criminal charges after an investigation, but only the Justice Department can bring indictments.
There are also significant political risks to committee-led inquiries, particularly public hearings. Political scientists have found that investigations of the executive branch diminish the president’s approval rating.
Additionally, members of Congress often engage in performative outrage and grandstanding during public hearings, which tends to help individual members’ electoral prospects but does little to enhance collective public faith in Congress’ legitimacy or its ability to conduct independent and fact-based inquiries.
Given the continuing partisan divide over ICE and the agency’s increased presence in Minneapolis and other cities, it’s possible that congressional hearings could devolve into rancor and name-calling. However, public opinion polling has found that ICE has become a liability for Trump and the Republican Party.
With the 2026 midterm elections coming up, Republicans in Congress may not be able to afford to stay silent.
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