By Samuel Damren
This is the second commentary in a series examining the relevance of Friedrich Nietzsche’s philosophy to present day America.
The first commentary compared Nietzsche’s famous Epigram 146 – “Whoever battles monsters should see to it that in the process he does not become a monster himself” – with the “abyss” of “deceitful internet voices” that can lure individuals to political violence.
This commentary focuses on concepts of morality discussed in Nietzsche’s “Beyond Good and Evil” (1886) and “On the Genealogy of Morality” (1887).
Nietzsche was a scholar of philology, the history and comparative analysis of languages. His academic prowess was evident when, at the age of 24, he was awarded Chair of Classical Philology as a professor at the University of Basel (Switzerland). Nietzsche began his study of Western moralities by investigating the etymology of words used to assess moral values.
Looking back to ancient Greece, Nietzsche noted that the root source for the meaning of the word “good” did not “originate with those to whom ‘goodness’ was shown! Rather it was ‘the good’ themselves, the noble, powerful, high-stationed and high-minded who felt and established themselves and their actions as good, that is, of the first rank, in contradistinction to all the low, low-minded, common and plebian.”
The etymology of other words denoting high moral character (aristocrat, high order, privileged, rich, possessors, truthful, healthy, pure, warrior, godlike) similarly aligned with the nobility (Good) while opposites words (plebian, low, strangers, poor, slaves, liars, sick, impure, coward, barbarian) aligned with lower classes (Evil).
While Nietzsche regarded the “Us versus Them” duality, which he termed “faith in the opposites,” as destructive to a wide range of group relationships, the singular topic of this commentary is its effect on societal governance.
In his works, Nietzsche discerned, and this was something new, that two different moralities existed simultaneously and independently of one another in ancient Greek society: Master Morality and Slave Morality. Master Morality mirrored how nobles thought of themselves and the disrespect and contempt they held for lower and inferior classes.
Slave Morality, the morality of the oppressed, worked an “inversion” of those roles. The lower classes became the “good” and the rulers became the “bad.”
Nietzsche saw the oppressed as creating this alternative morality on the belief that they were morally entitled to just treatment notwithstanding the iron grip of Master rule. Further, that rulers should be condemned for treating them unjustly. In Nietzsche’s view, Slave Morality was a precursor to later Christian values (“the meek shall inherit the world”).
According to Nietzsche, the destructive relationship between these “opposite” moralities and Master Morality dominance was the norm in Western societal governance for centuries.
The struggle between Good and Evil at this societal level could only end when rulers were overthrown and replaced by a new political morality: democracy being one of those forms. Nietzsche considered the French Revolution as the most successful “slave rebellion” in history.
That beginning is one meaning (there are others) attached to the title of Nietzsche’s work, “Beyond Good and Evil.” It resonates with the “No Kings” protests now spreading across America.
The “No Kings” demonstrations protest Donald Trump’s ongoing actions to overthrow the Constitution and to replace it with dictatorial rule. He is pursuing that objective in ways that Nietzsche would instantly recognize.
First, Trump’s characterizations of political adversaries mirror the words of Master Morality. You need only search Trump and the relevant words on the internet for confirmation.
Second, in pursuing this objective Trump works his own inversion of political morality. Trump stands the concept of democracy on its head by asserting that the American Constitution envisions dictatorial rule. In making this assertion, he relies on the theory of unitary executive authority as well as on an expansive interpretation of Presidential emergency powers.
Third, while his pretexts for exercising such powers lacks evidentiary and contextual support, Trump speaks “truth” to the longstanding social prejudices of his “base” and to his political vassals.
Examples of these pretexts abound. Trump’s claim that criminal rapist immigrants “poison the blood” of America and justify mass deportations is belied by the fact that deportees which ICE is now rounding up are law-abiding contributors to their communities that pose no threat of violence.
Trump’s claim that cities with population majorities composed of people of color are lawless is belied by reported crime rates at decade lows. Trump’s claims that voter fraud in those same cities is rampant is belied by innumerable court cases and state investigations which refute the assertion.
The question Nietzsche might ask in these current times is whether American democracy is truly “beyond good and evil,” and if not, whether it is about to embark on a path of self-destruction under a Trump imposed Master Morality.
The next commentary in this series will focus on Nietzsche’s description of “herd conscience.”
The first commentary compared Nietzsche’s famous Epigram 146 – “Whoever battles monsters should see to it that in the process he does not become a monster himself” – with the “abyss” of “deceitful internet voices” that can lure individuals to political violence.
This commentary focuses on concepts of morality discussed in Nietzsche’s “Beyond Good and Evil” (1886) and “On the Genealogy of Morality” (1887).
Nietzsche was a scholar of philology, the history and comparative analysis of languages. His academic prowess was evident when, at the age of 24, he was awarded Chair of Classical Philology as a professor at the University of Basel (Switzerland). Nietzsche began his study of Western moralities by investigating the etymology of words used to assess moral values.
Looking back to ancient Greece, Nietzsche noted that the root source for the meaning of the word “good” did not “originate with those to whom ‘goodness’ was shown! Rather it was ‘the good’ themselves, the noble, powerful, high-stationed and high-minded who felt and established themselves and their actions as good, that is, of the first rank, in contradistinction to all the low, low-minded, common and plebian.”
The etymology of other words denoting high moral character (aristocrat, high order, privileged, rich, possessors, truthful, healthy, pure, warrior, godlike) similarly aligned with the nobility (Good) while opposites words (plebian, low, strangers, poor, slaves, liars, sick, impure, coward, barbarian) aligned with lower classes (Evil).
While Nietzsche regarded the “Us versus Them” duality, which he termed “faith in the opposites,” as destructive to a wide range of group relationships, the singular topic of this commentary is its effect on societal governance.
In his works, Nietzsche discerned, and this was something new, that two different moralities existed simultaneously and independently of one another in ancient Greek society: Master Morality and Slave Morality. Master Morality mirrored how nobles thought of themselves and the disrespect and contempt they held for lower and inferior classes.
Slave Morality, the morality of the oppressed, worked an “inversion” of those roles. The lower classes became the “good” and the rulers became the “bad.”
Nietzsche saw the oppressed as creating this alternative morality on the belief that they were morally entitled to just treatment notwithstanding the iron grip of Master rule. Further, that rulers should be condemned for treating them unjustly. In Nietzsche’s view, Slave Morality was a precursor to later Christian values (“the meek shall inherit the world”).
According to Nietzsche, the destructive relationship between these “opposite” moralities and Master Morality dominance was the norm in Western societal governance for centuries.
The struggle between Good and Evil at this societal level could only end when rulers were overthrown and replaced by a new political morality: democracy being one of those forms. Nietzsche considered the French Revolution as the most successful “slave rebellion” in history.
That beginning is one meaning (there are others) attached to the title of Nietzsche’s work, “Beyond Good and Evil.” It resonates with the “No Kings” protests now spreading across America.
The “No Kings” demonstrations protest Donald Trump’s ongoing actions to overthrow the Constitution and to replace it with dictatorial rule. He is pursuing that objective in ways that Nietzsche would instantly recognize.
First, Trump’s characterizations of political adversaries mirror the words of Master Morality. You need only search Trump and the relevant words on the internet for confirmation.
Second, in pursuing this objective Trump works his own inversion of political morality. Trump stands the concept of democracy on its head by asserting that the American Constitution envisions dictatorial rule. In making this assertion, he relies on the theory of unitary executive authority as well as on an expansive interpretation of Presidential emergency powers.
Third, while his pretexts for exercising such powers lacks evidentiary and contextual support, Trump speaks “truth” to the longstanding social prejudices of his “base” and to his political vassals.
Examples of these pretexts abound. Trump’s claim that criminal rapist immigrants “poison the blood” of America and justify mass deportations is belied by the fact that deportees which ICE is now rounding up are law-abiding contributors to their communities that pose no threat of violence.
Trump’s claim that cities with population majorities composed of people of color are lawless is belied by reported crime rates at decade lows. Trump’s claims that voter fraud in those same cities is rampant is belied by innumerable court cases and state investigations which refute the assertion.
The question Nietzsche might ask in these current times is whether American democracy is truly “beyond good and evil,” and if not, whether it is about to embark on a path of self-destruction under a Trump imposed Master Morality.
The next commentary in this series will focus on Nietzsche’s description of “herd conscience.”
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