By Berl Falbaum
Let’s compare the Republican Party then — in the early 1970s — and now.
Given the indictment of former FBI Director James Comey — and assurances from President Trump and his attorney general, Pam Bondi, that there are more indictments to come — I thought it would be useful to examine this issue with a review of how a scandal involving the president was handled with a commitment to the Constitution, courage, and without poisonous politics.
I am referring, of course, to what in U.S. history will forever be known as the Watergate scandal in President Richard Nixon’s administration.
A very brief summary:
On June 17, 1972, a group of five Nixon supporters working for Nixon’s re-election, burglarized the Democratic National Committee headquarters at the Watergate complex in D.C.
The Department of Justice, in its investigation, traced some of the burglar’s finances back to the Committee for the Re-Election of the President. The investigation found evidence that Nixon was involved and that he tried to cover up his complicity.
Attorney General Elliot Richardson, appointed by Nixon to the position in May 1973, named Archibald Cox as a special prosecutor. Upon learning that the president secretly taped meetings in his office, Cox issued a subpoena, demanding the tapes.
Nixon not only stonewalled, would not comply and on Saturday, October 20, 1973, he ordered Richardson to fire Cox. Richardson refused and resigned. Next came Richardson’s deputy, William Ruckelshaus who also refused Nixon’s illegal demand and, like Richardson, resigned.
Next in line was Solicitor General Robert Bork who carried out Nixon’s “order,” but planned to resign. However, following Richardson’s and Ruckelshaus’ recommendations, he remained in his post to keep some order in the Justice Department.
Contrast that to the actions of the present attorney general, Bondi who at her confirmation hearing swore to be totally apolitical. She consistently pledged, under oath, that she would oppose any demands from her boss, Donald Trump, that violated the rule of law.
If there ever was a case for perjury, this is it. She has pursued and carried out every “order” from Trump to punish his political “enemies.” With her compliance to Trump’s demands, Bondi has given the word “sycophancy” an entirely new meaning.
But that’s not all to the contrast between then and now, particularly as it pertains to Republicans.
As the evidence mounted against Nixon, it was Republican leadership that told Nixon the jig was up.
(Full disclosure: At the time, I was administrative aide to the late Lt. Gov. James H. Brickley who was among the first Republicans in the country to call for Nixon’s resignation.)
On August 6, 1974, Arizona Senator Barry Goldwater, the GOP’s 1964 presidential nominee, told the Republican Conference, “There are only so many lies you can take, and now there has been one too many. Nixon should get his ass out of the White House — today!”
The next day, Goldwater, Senate Minority Leader Pennsylvania Senator Hugh Scott, and House Minority Leader Arizona Representative John Rhodes — all Republicans — told Nixon the party could no longer block — and would not block — his impeachment in the House, and that he most likely would be convicted in the Senate.
The three maintained they did not urge Nixon resign but only informed him that he was politically doomed; Republican support had collapsed.
Nixon announced his intention to resign the following day — August 8, 1974 — and submitted his official letter of resignation the next day, August 9.
Our institutions held, primarily because Republicans, at the time, still had a commitment to the Constitution along with a sense of morality and integrity. They understood that partisanship, for a democracy to remain vibrant and politically healthy, must have limits.
Those Republicans would not have defended Trump’s tens of thousands of lies, his role in the January 6 insurrection, his calls for violence, his numerous frauds, his lies about the 2020 election, or all of the rest of Trump’s illegal and immoral actions, policies, and ugly politics.
They certainly would not even have entertained the idea of supporting a candidate for president who was facing felony charges. Yet, in August 2023, seven GOP presidential candidates, during a debate, said they would back Trump even if he were a convicted felon. (In May 2024, Trump was convicted of 34 felony charges.)
There are no Richardsons, Ruckelshauses, Goldwaters, Scotts, or Rhodes in today’s GOP.
The Richardson/Ruckelshaus scandal became known as the “Saturday Night Massacre.”
Given today’s political environment and the abdication by Republicans to truth, civility, integrity, morality and, most important, to the Constitution, we have lived through a massacre not just on one Saturday but almost daily during Trump 1.0 and 2.0.
————————
Berl Falbaum is a veteran journalist and author of 12 books.
Let’s compare the Republican Party then — in the early 1970s — and now.
Given the indictment of former FBI Director James Comey — and assurances from President Trump and his attorney general, Pam Bondi, that there are more indictments to come — I thought it would be useful to examine this issue with a review of how a scandal involving the president was handled with a commitment to the Constitution, courage, and without poisonous politics.
I am referring, of course, to what in U.S. history will forever be known as the Watergate scandal in President Richard Nixon’s administration.
A very brief summary:
On June 17, 1972, a group of five Nixon supporters working for Nixon’s re-election, burglarized the Democratic National Committee headquarters at the Watergate complex in D.C.
The Department of Justice, in its investigation, traced some of the burglar’s finances back to the Committee for the Re-Election of the President. The investigation found evidence that Nixon was involved and that he tried to cover up his complicity.
Attorney General Elliot Richardson, appointed by Nixon to the position in May 1973, named Archibald Cox as a special prosecutor. Upon learning that the president secretly taped meetings in his office, Cox issued a subpoena, demanding the tapes.
Nixon not only stonewalled, would not comply and on Saturday, October 20, 1973, he ordered Richardson to fire Cox. Richardson refused and resigned. Next came Richardson’s deputy, William Ruckelshaus who also refused Nixon’s illegal demand and, like Richardson, resigned.
Next in line was Solicitor General Robert Bork who carried out Nixon’s “order,” but planned to resign. However, following Richardson’s and Ruckelshaus’ recommendations, he remained in his post to keep some order in the Justice Department.
Contrast that to the actions of the present attorney general, Bondi who at her confirmation hearing swore to be totally apolitical. She consistently pledged, under oath, that she would oppose any demands from her boss, Donald Trump, that violated the rule of law.
If there ever was a case for perjury, this is it. She has pursued and carried out every “order” from Trump to punish his political “enemies.” With her compliance to Trump’s demands, Bondi has given the word “sycophancy” an entirely new meaning.
But that’s not all to the contrast between then and now, particularly as it pertains to Republicans.
As the evidence mounted against Nixon, it was Republican leadership that told Nixon the jig was up.
(Full disclosure: At the time, I was administrative aide to the late Lt. Gov. James H. Brickley who was among the first Republicans in the country to call for Nixon’s resignation.)
On August 6, 1974, Arizona Senator Barry Goldwater, the GOP’s 1964 presidential nominee, told the Republican Conference, “There are only so many lies you can take, and now there has been one too many. Nixon should get his ass out of the White House — today!”
The next day, Goldwater, Senate Minority Leader Pennsylvania Senator Hugh Scott, and House Minority Leader Arizona Representative John Rhodes — all Republicans — told Nixon the party could no longer block — and would not block — his impeachment in the House, and that he most likely would be convicted in the Senate.
The three maintained they did not urge Nixon resign but only informed him that he was politically doomed; Republican support had collapsed.
Nixon announced his intention to resign the following day — August 8, 1974 — and submitted his official letter of resignation the next day, August 9.
Our institutions held, primarily because Republicans, at the time, still had a commitment to the Constitution along with a sense of morality and integrity. They understood that partisanship, for a democracy to remain vibrant and politically healthy, must have limits.
Those Republicans would not have defended Trump’s tens of thousands of lies, his role in the January 6 insurrection, his calls for violence, his numerous frauds, his lies about the 2020 election, or all of the rest of Trump’s illegal and immoral actions, policies, and ugly politics.
They certainly would not even have entertained the idea of supporting a candidate for president who was facing felony charges. Yet, in August 2023, seven GOP presidential candidates, during a debate, said they would back Trump even if he were a convicted felon. (In May 2024, Trump was convicted of 34 felony charges.)
There are no Richardsons, Ruckelshauses, Goldwaters, Scotts, or Rhodes in today’s GOP.
The Richardson/Ruckelshaus scandal became known as the “Saturday Night Massacre.”
Given today’s political environment and the abdication by Republicans to truth, civility, integrity, morality and, most important, to the Constitution, we have lived through a massacre not just on one Saturday but almost daily during Trump 1.0 and 2.0.
————————
Berl Falbaum is a veteran journalist and author of 12 books.
